Credit claiming
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 21, 2026 · Posts on X · policy criticism; policy discussion; bipartisanship; credit claiming; Health; Science, Technology, Communications · Source
79%
of itemized money from Washington donors, the highest of 41 Senate Democrats
79% of the itemized money from individuals in the 2026 cycle came from donors with an address in Washington. Ranks 1st of 41, where 1st is the highest share. 3,135 itemized donors.
Only donors who give more than $200 are reported with an address, so this is the share of that itemized money from donors living in Washington, ranked among Senate Democrats. Small gifts are not counted either way. Candidates running statewide or for federal office often draw more money from out of state.
At a glance
6 measures against Senate Democrats. 21% of Murray’s statements contain a personal attack, 1.9 times the Senate Democrat average of 11%. Murray sits at −1.46 on the CSIP scale, more liberal than 90% of Senate Democrats.
The measures on which Murray sits furthest from the middle of Senate Democrats, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
From Washington, 2026
79%
Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 1st of 41 Senate Democrats
Party unity
99.8%
Senate Democrats average 95.3% · ranks 3rd of 45 · 14 votes against the majority of Senate Democrats
Personal attacks
21%
Senate Democrats average 11% · ranks 5th of 45
CSIP ideology
−1.46
More liberal than 90% of Senate Democrats · ± 0.01
Extreme labels
6.0%
Senate Democrats average 2.4% · ranks 5th of 45
Policy criticism
45%
Senate Democrats average 37% · ranks 7th of 45
Peer group: Senate Democrats. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Murray, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Murray is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
What Murray says
Murray attacks opponents personally more than 88% of Senate Democrats. Personal attacks in 21% of 3,353 statements, against 11% for the average Senate Democrat; 5th of 45.
An AI model reads each of Murray’s 3,353 statements in the 119th Congress (2,594 posts on X, 586 press releases, 170 Congressional Record speeches, 3 newsletters) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for Senate Democrats and ranked among them.
Kinds of statement
Share of statements carrying each label, the 119th Congress
0%80%
Murray
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion2,847 statements
85%
78%
7th of 45
Policy criticism1,496 statements
45%
37%
7th of 45
Personal attacks693 statements
21%
11%
5th of 45
Credit claiming620 statements
18%
26%
34th of 45
Bipartisanship493 statements
15%
18%
26th of 45
Show the data
| Row | Murray | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Policy discussion | 85% | 78% |
| Policy criticism | 45% | 37% |
| Personal attacks | 21% | 11% |
| Credit claiming | 18% | 26% |
| Bipartisanship | 15% | 18% |
3,353
statements classified
2,594 posts on X, 586 press releases, 170 Congressional Record speeches, 3 newsletters.
Show the data
| Part | Value |
|---|---|
| posts on X | 2,594 |
| press releases | 586 |
| Congressional Record speeches | 170 |
| newsletters | 3 |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is Murray; the thin grey bar is the average Senate Democrats. A longer thick bar means Murray does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Extreme labels
Murray used extreme labels in 6.0% of statements, 2.6 times the peer average. 202 statements, most often aimed at Republicans; peers 2.4%.
- “extreme”100
- “MAGA”37
- “radical”25
- “far right”23
- “woke”17
Who gets the labels
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
- Republicans25
- Trump14
- MAGA12
- anti-abortion extremists7
- health care hike6
What an extreme label is
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Month by month
Share of statements per month, the 119th Congress
Show the data
| Column | Statements | Personal attacks | Policy criticism | Policy discussion | Bipartisanship | Credit claiming | Extreme labels |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 195 | 19.5% | 36.4% | 76.4% | 15.4% | 27.7% | 8.7% |
| Feb ’25 | 270 | 32.6% | 45.2% | 81.8% | 16.7% | 17.0% | 5.2% |
| Mar ’25 | 236 | 30.9% | 40.7% | 81.4% | 15.3% | 19.9% | 5.5% |
| Apr ’25 | 196 | 13.8% | 48.5% | 87.2% | 15.3% | 23.0% | 2.5% |
| May ’25 | 110 | 19.1% | 58.2% | 90.0% | 9.1% | 20.9% | 1.8% |
| Jun ’25 | 131 | 13.0% | 59.5% | 75.6% | 6.9% | 7.6% | 3.0% |
| Jul ’25 | 127 | 15.0% | 68.5% | 82.7% | 11.8% | 12.6% | 3.1% |
| Aug ’25 | 60 | 33.3% | 55.0% | 75.0% | 15.0% | 6.7% | 10.0% |
| Sep ’25 | 107 | 19.6% | 57.9% | 72.0% | 14.9% | 7.5% | 4.7% |
| Oct ’25 | 198 | 21.7% | 65.1% | 80.8% | 22.2% | 3.5% | 5.1% |
| Nov ’25 | 165 | 22.4% | 63.0% | 80.6% | 18.8% | 15.8% | 13.3% |
| Dec ’25 | 181 | 17.1% | 24.9% | 90.6% | 15.5% | 21.6% | 7.2% |
| Jan ’26 | 157 | 26.1% | 16.6% | 93.0% | 24.2% | 24.2% | 8.3% |
| Feb ’26 | 144 | 26.4% | 47.9% | 70.8% | 11.1% | 23.6% | 9.0% |
| Mar ’26 | 188 | 13.3% | 68.1% | 90.4% | 14.9% | 28.7% | 2.7% |
| Apr ’26 | 135 | 20.0% | 31.9% | 91.1% | 20.0% | 22.2% | 5.9% |
| May ’26 | 122 | 13.1% | 41.8% | 81.2% | 5.7% | 21.3% | 9.0% |
| Jun ’26 | 130 | 14.6% | 58.5% | 87.7% | 8.5% | 11.5% | 7.7% |
| Jul ’26 | 146 | 17.8% | 30.1% | 89.0% | 12.3% | 19.2% | 5.5% |
| Aug ’26 | 109 | 15.6% | 19.3% | 99.1% | 13.8% | 17.4% | 3.7% |
| Sep ’26 | 146 | 21.2% | 19.9% | 98.0% | 12.3% | 20.5% | 8.9% |
| Oct ’26 | 100 | 18.0% | 23.0% | 97.0% | 12.0% | 21.0% | 2.0% |
How to read the strips
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the 119th Congress, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%.
In Murray’s words
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Personal attacks
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 23, 2026 · Posts on X · personal attacks; policy discussion; Government Operations and Politics; target: Trump · Source
Extreme label
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Oct 19, 2026 · Posts on X · policy discussion; Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues; extreme label “extreme” aimed at administration · Source
Examples by category
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Posts on X
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Government Operations and Politics · target: TrumpSource
Posts on X
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Economics and Public Finance · Government Operations and Politics · target: TrumpSource
Posts on X
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Armed Forces and National Security · Economics and Public Finance · Government Operations and Politics · target: TrumpSource
Press releases
Murray Slams Trump for Threatening Millions of Americans with Financial Chaos by Stupidly Upending Federal Student Aid Office Washington, D.C. – Today, U.S. Senator Patty Murray (D-WA), Vice Chair of the Senate Appropriations Committee and a senior member and former Chair of the Senate Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions (HELP) Committee, issued the following statement in response to reports that the Trump admini…
personal attacks · policy discussion · bipartisanship · credit claiming · Education · Economics and Public Finance · Government Operations and Politics · target: Donald TrumpSource
Posts on X
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Health · Agriculture and Food · Energy · target: TrumpSource
All 3,353 statements
Newest first, the 119th Congress
The full feed
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 2,594 posts on X, 586 press releases, 170 Congressional Record speeches, 3 newsletters.
Policy
Health is what Murray talks about most: 42% of policy statements, above the peer share. Talk and legislation agree at 0.65 on a 0–1 scale (Senate Democrats average 0.66; 28th of 45).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Murray talks about. The bills Murray sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
What Murray talks about
Share of policy statements by area, the 119th Congress
0%46%
Murray
Peers
Health1,196 statements
42%
27%
Economics and Public Finance892 statements
31%
24%
Government Operations and Politics708 statements
25%
22%
Armed Forces and National Security546 statements
19%
21%
Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues369 statements
13%
11%
Show the data
| Row | Murray | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Health | 42% | 27% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 31% | 24% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 25% | 22% |
| Armed Forces and National Security | 19% | 21% |
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 13% | 11% |
How to read the bars
The thick bar is the share of Murray’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for Senate Democrats. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Talks about · legislates on
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 46%. Grey ticks are the Senate Democrats averages.
Show the data
| Area | Talks about | Senate Democrats, talks about | Legislates on | Senate Democrats, legislates on |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Health | 42% | 27% | 16% | 14% |
| Economics and Public Finance | 31% | 24% | 2% | 0% |
| Government Operations and Politics | 25% | 22% | 6% | 9% |
| Armed Forces and National Security | 19% | 21% | 13% | 7% |
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 13% | 11% | 7% | 5% |
0.65
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
Senate Democrats average 0.66. Ranks 28th of 45.
What agreement means, and what it doesn’t
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Murray legislates on exactly the areas Murray talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Murray sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology
Murray sits at −1.46 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more liberal than 90% of Senate Democrats. Approximate range −1.47 to −1.45, which understates the uncertainty; from 19,966 donors and 4,863 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
−1.46
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range −1.47 to −1.45. From 19,966 donors and 4,863 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Murray, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Murray’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Where Murray sits
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
Senate Democrats45 · median −1.1
All Senate98 · median +0.4
Show the data
| Group | Officials | Median | Share left of Murray |
|---|---|---|---|
| Senate Democrats | 45 | −1.1 | 9% |
| All Senate | 98 | +0.4 | 4% |
How to read the strips
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Murray in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Murray.
Money
Murray raised $3.6M in the 2026 cycle, above the Senate Democrats’ median of $2.6M. 34% of individual money came in gifts of $200 or less. 79% of itemized individual money came from Washington.
Campaign money from Federal Election Commission filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only.
$3.6M
raised in the 2026 cycle
From 3,135 itemized donors. Senate Democrats’ median $2.6M.
Where the money came from
Each square is one percent of 2026-cycle receipts, from FEC summary totals.
- Itemized individual (over $200)58 squares$2.1M
- Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less)30 squares$1.1M
- PACs and other committees10 squares$338.2K
- Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds)2 squares$85.7K
Show the data
| Source | Amount | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Itemized individual (over $200) | $2.1M | 58.3% |
| Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less) | $1.1M | 29.9% |
| PACs and other committees | $338.2K | 9.4% |
| Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds) | $85.7K | 2.4% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind. The small-donor share understates small giving when a campaign itemizes gifts made through ActBlue or WinRed.
Receipts by cycle
Total receipts, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the Senate Democrats’ median for 2026.
Show the data
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 2020 cycle | $2.5M |
| 2022 cycle | $16.1M |
| 2024 cycle | $2.1M |
| 2026 cycle | $3.6M |
Top donor states, 2026
Itemized contributions by donor state. 79% came from Washington.
- Washington$1.2M
- California$51.3K
- District of Columbia$48.4K
- Virginia$38.6K
- Maryland$29.5K
Small donations
Gifts of $200 or less as a share of individual money, by cycle. The thin grey bar is the 2026 Senate Democrats’ median.
0%60%
Murray
Median
2026
34%
35%
2024
44%
35%
2022
32%
35%
2020
37%
35%
Show the data
| Row | Murray | Median |
|---|---|---|
| 2026 cycle | 34% | 35% |
| 2024 cycle | 44% | 35% |
| 2022 cycle | 32% | 35% |
| 2020 cycle | 37% | 35% |
Where itemized donors live
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
Show the data
| State | Value |
|---|---|
| Washington | $1.2M |
| California | $51.3K |
| District of Columbia | $48.4K |
| Virginia | $38.6K |
| Maryland | $29.5K |
| New York | $25.0K |
| Georgia | $22.2K |
| Oregon | $17.1K |
| Tennessee | $14.2K |
| Texas | $9,286 |
| Ohio | $8,580 |
| Florida | $8,270 |
| Massachusetts | $7,240 |
| Pennsylvania | $6,111 |
| Arizona | $5,162 |
| Michigan | $4,954 |
| New Mexico | $2,800 |
| Vermont | $2,672 |
| Connecticut | $2,380 |
| Indiana | $2,315 |
| Nevada | $2,190 |
| Illinois | $2,185 |
| Alaska | $2,080 |
| Arkansas | $2,030 |
| Colorado | $2,000 |
| New Jersey | $1,545 |
| New Hampshire | $1,484 |
| Missouri | $1,344 |
| Wisconsin | $1,305 |
| Idaho | $1,300 |
| Kentucky | $1,225 |
| Kansas | $1,175 |
| Rhode Island | $1,150 |
| Minnesota | $1,133 |
| Montana | $1,100 |
| South Carolina | $1,000 |
| North Carolina | $950 |
| Louisiana | $927 |
| Oklahoma | $912 |
| Iowa | $750 |
| West Virginia | $600 |
| Hawaii | $575 |
| Maine | $475 |
| Delaware | $350 |
| South Dakota | $345 |
| Wyoming | $185 |
| Nebraska | $100 |
| Alabama | $75 |
| North Dakota | No data |
| Utah | No data |
| Mississippi | No data |
3,135
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
79%
from Washington
Of itemized individual dollars
How to read the map
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Washington. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Donors’ ideology
Distribution of itemized donors’ own CSIP scores
Show the data
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| CSIP −1.75 to −1.50 | 0.4% |
| CSIP −1.50 to −1.25 | 38% |
| CSIP −1.25 to −1.00 | 46% |
| CSIP −1.00 to −0.75 | 10% |
| CSIP −0.75 to −0.50 | 1.0% |
| CSIP −0.50 to −0.25 | 0.9% |
| CSIP −0.25 to 0.00 | 1.1% |
| CSIP 0.00 to +0.25 | 0.8% |
| CSIP +0.25 to +0.50 | 0.7% |
| CSIP +0.50 to +0.75 | 0.1% |
How to read the columns
Donors who give to many candidates get their own CSIP score. Each column is the share of Murray’s itemized money from donors in that part of the scale, blue left of 0 and red right of 0, deeper further out; Murray’s own score is −1.46.
Top donor occupations
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
- NOT EMPLOYED$556.5K 1,709 donors
- RETIRED$538.0K 999 donors
- ATTORNEY$57.6K 64 donors
- CEO$44.6K 36 donors
- GOVERNMENT RELATIONS$24.5K 22 donors
Top committees
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
- DELTA DENTAL PLANS ASSOCIATION PAC$10.0K
- VERTEX PHARMACEUTICALS INCORPORATED POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE (VPAC)$6,500
- ALZHEIMERS IMPACT MOVEMENT POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE$5,000
- AM GENERAL LLC POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE (AM GENERAL PAC)$5,000
- APPLIED RESEARCH ASSOCIATES, INC. POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE (ARAPAC)$5,000
Top employers
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
- BGR GROUP$15.0K 10 donors
- BATTELLE$10.3K 13 donors
- BROWNSTEIN HYATT FARBER SCHRECK LLP$8,750 18 donors
- CORNERSTONE GOVERNMENT AFFAIRS$7,500 7 donors
- ICEBREAKER STRATEGIES LLC$7,500 3 donors
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Votes
Murray voted with the majority of Senate Democrats on 99.8% of party-line votes and missed 5.6% of 915 roll calls. Senate Democrats on average: 95.3% party unity, 97.0% attendance. Across all roll calls, Murray voted against the majority of Senate Democrats 14 times.
915 roll calls Murray could vote on in the 119th Congress, compared with Senate Democrats. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Murray voted with the majority of Senate Democrats. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
14
votes against the majority of Senate Democrats
Party unity 99.8%, Senate Democrats average 95.3%, ranks 3rd of 45. 915 roll calls in the 119th Congress.
Attendance and party unity
The thick bar is Murray, the thin grey bar the Senate Democrats average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
80%100%
Murray
Peers
Rank
Attendance
94.4%
97.0%
39th of 45
Party unity
99.8%
95.3%
3rd of 45
Show the data
| Row | Murray | Peers |
|---|---|---|
| Attendance | 94.4% | 97.0% |
| Party unity | 99.8% | 95.3% |
What this means, and what it doesn’t
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
Key votes
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the 119th Congress
| Party split (yea–nay) | Why it’s key | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sep 28, 2026 | S. 4668 A bill to protect the name, image, and likeness rights of, and provide protections for, student athletes and to promote fair competition among intercollegiate athletics, and for other purposes. On Passage of the Bill | Yea | With majority | Bill Passed | D 26–19 · R 50–2 · I 1–1Democrats 26 yea, 19 nay; Republicans 50 yea, 2 nay; Independents 1 yea, 1 nay | party crossover |
| Sep 24, 2026 | H.Con.Res. 89 A concurrent resolution directing the President, pursuant to section 5(c) of the War Powers Resolution, to remove United States Armed Forces from hostilities with Iran. On the Concurrent Resolution | Yea | With majority | Concurrent Resolution Rejected | D 43–1 · R 4–49 · I 2–0Democrats 43 yea, 1 nay; Republicans 4 yea, 49 nay; Independents 2 yea, 0 nay | close vote |
| Aug 8, 2026 | H.R. 6500 An act making continuing appropriations and extensions for fiscal year 2027, and for other purposes. On Passage of the Bill | Yea | With majority | Bill Passed | D 42–3 · R 47–2 · I 1–1Democrats 42 yea, 3 nay; Republicans 47 yea, 2 nay; Independents 1 yea, 1 nay | became law |
| Aug 7, 2026 | H.R. 5334 An act to impose sanctions and other measures with respect to the Russian Federation, as championed by the late Senator Lindsey O. Graham, and for other purposes. On Passage of the Bill | Yea | With majority | Bill Passed | D 36–9 · R 49–1 · I 1–1Democrats 36 yea, 9 nay; Republicans 49 yea, 1 nay; Independents 1 yea, 1 nay | became law · party crossover |
| Jul 30, 2026 | S.Res. 817 An executive resolution authorizing the en bloc consideration in Executive Session of certain nominations on the Executive Calendar. On the Resolution | Nay | With majority | Resolution Agreed to | D 0–45 · R 50–0 · I 0–2Democrats 0 yea, 45 nay; Republicans 50 yea, 0 nay; Independents 0 yea, 2 nay | close vote |
How key votes are chosen
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
Votes most often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Murray most often
- Tina SmithD822 shared votes99%
- Chris Van HollenD850 shared votes98%
- Lisa Blunt RochesterD858 shared votes98%
- Jeff MerkleyD858 shared votes98%
- Ron WydenD847 shared votes98%
Votes least often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Murray least often
- Rick ScottR862 shared votes3.6%
- Ron JohnsonR852 shared votes4.2%
- Mike LeeR841 shared votes4.6%
- Cynthia LummisR835 shared votes4.9%
- Ted CruzR820 shared votes5.0%
How to read the agreement lists
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
Full voting record
119th Congress (2025–27), loads in batches
Legislation
Murray sponsored 47 bills in the 119th Congress; none became law. Cosponsored 320 others. 17% of sponsored bills got out of committee (Senate Democrats average 14%; 14th of 45).
The bills Murray sponsored and cosponsored in the 119th Congress, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Bills by stage
Counts for the 119th Congress
Show the data
| Role | Introduced | In committee | Passed one chamber | Passed both chambers | Became law |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Sponsored | 47 | 45 | 5 | 0 | 0 |
| Cosponsored | 320 | 320 | 55 | 3 | 2 |
How to read the blocks
Ink blocks are bills Murray sponsored, ochre blocks bills Murray cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
17%
of sponsored bills got out of committee
Senate Democrats average 14%. Ranks 14th of 45.
Cosponsorship partners
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Murray, by number of shared bills in the 119th Congress; the square shows their party.
- Richard Blumenthal103
- Tammy Duckworth101
- Cory Booker96
- Alex Padilla93
- Jeff Merkley90
What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Murray’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Bill list
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
| S. 5665 | America’s College Promise Act of 2026 | Cosponsor | Sep 30, 2026 | In committee | Education | Read twice and referred to the Committee on Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions. Sep 30, 2026 |
| S.J.Res. 220 | Original Slavery Remembrance Day Resolution | Cosponsor | Sep 30, 2026 | In committee | Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | Read twice and referred to the Committee on the Judiciary. Sep 30, 2026 |
| S.Res. 931 | A resolution recognizing the month of October 2026 as Filipino American History Month and celebrating the history and culture of Filipino Americans and their immense contributions to the United States. | Cosponsor | Sep 30, 2026 | In committee | Unassigned | Referred to the Committee on the Judiciary. (text: CR S5265-5266) Sep 30, 2026 |
| S.Res. 935 | A resolution designating October 23, 2026, as "National Marine Sanctuary Day". | Cosponsor | Sep 30, 2026 | In committee | Public Lands and Natural Resources | Referred to the Committee on the Judiciary. (text: CR S5268) Sep 30, 2026 |
| S.Res. 946 | A resolution designating September 30, 2026, as "National Veterans Suicide Prevention Day". | Cosponsor | Sep 30, 2026 | Passed one chamber | Armed Forces and National Security | Submitted in the Senate, considered, and agreed to without amendment and with a preamble by Unanimous Consent. (consideration: CR S5299; text: CR S5272-5273) Sep 30, 2026 |
Online
A site that changed 103 times in 90 days. Murray’s official site had 33 pages when last crawled on Oct 18, 2026. The lab last catalogued the images Murray posted on Oct 15, 2026.
The lab crawls Murray’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Murray posts with a vision model.
Websites
- 33
pages crawled
103changes in 90 days
How to read the counts
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
Social accounts
- XPattyMurray
- Instagramsenpattymurray
- YouTubeSenatorPattyMurray
- Emailsenmurray@murray.senate.gov
Images Murray posted
The latest 24, with model-written descriptions
A Washington Examiner news headline on a plain white background, with the outlet’s logo above a large bold headline.View post 
Two men work with fishing gear aboard a boat on the water. A news-style banner with a logo and headline overlays the lower part of the image.View post 
A screenshot of a newspaper website article featuring a photograph of Donald Trump in a suit and red cap beside a row of American flags. A slogan is overlaid on the photograph. The page also shows a newspaper masthead, article headline, section label, and date information.View post 
A news-style text graphic on a white background, with a large bold headline and an italic explanatory paragraph beneath it.View post 
A graphic featuring a large white rounded rectangle with a social media-style post from Senator Patty Murray about the September 11 anniversary, remembrance, courage, and national unity. A small profile photo appears near the top, with a dark red and blue scenic background and a signature-style logo along the bottom. The image contains text.View post
About the descriptions
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Methods and sources
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline
The headline is the measure on which Murray is most unusual among Senate Democrats, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
Identifiers
- Profile id
- M001111
- Bioguide
- M001111
- FEC candidate ids
- S2WA00189
Bulk files with the same data for every official:
Freshness of this profile’s data
- What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
- Roll calls (Congress)Sep 30, 202628 days agoVoteview roll calls, 113th Congress (2013) on.
- Bills (Congress)Oct 22, 20266 days agoGovInfo BILLSTATUS: sponsors, cosponsors, actions, CRS policy area.
- Campaign money (FEC)Oct 22, 20266 days agoFEC committee financial summaries (totals, small donations) and itemized contributions (donor counts, states, employers), cycles 2020-2026; aggregates only.
- Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
- WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
- ImagesOct 27, 20261 days agoImages in members' tweets with vision-model descriptions.
How the measures work
- What politicians say
- Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
- Extreme labels
- A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
- Policy areas and agreement
- Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
- Ideology (CSIP)
- Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
- Campaign money
- Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
- Votes and key votes
- Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
- Peers and ranks
- Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab