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Democrat · U.S. House, Wisconsin’s 2nd district

Serving since Jan 3, 2013119th Congress (2025–27)next election Nov 3, 2026

Bioguide P000607FEC H2WI02124

Portrait of Mark Pocan, rendered as a two-tone print
Official portrait
3.8%
of statements use bipartisan language, in the bottom tenth of House Democrats

3.8% of 1,844 statements use bipartisan language (70 statements); the average for House Democrats is 9.8%. Ranks 195th of 216, where 1st is the highest rate.

An AI model reads each of Pocan’s posts on X, press releases and Congressional Record speeches and marks whether it stresses working across party lines. The rate is the share of statements marked; it is compared with the average among House Democrats and ranked against the same group.

At a glance

6 measures against House Democrats. 33% of Pocan’s individual money in the 2026 cycle came in gifts of $200 or less, in the top quarter of House Democrats (median 13%). 66% of Pocan’s statements discuss policy, in the bottom quarter of House Democrats (average 73%).

The measures on which Pocan sits furthest from the middle of House Democrats, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.

Bipartisanship

3.8%

House Democrats average 9.8% · ranks 195th of 216

Party unity

99.7%

House Democrats average 96.4% · ranks 21st of 217 · 14 votes against the majority of House Democrats

Small donations, 2026

33%

House Democrats’ median 13% · ranks 28th of 214

Policy discussion

66%

House Democrats average 73% · ranks 186th of 216

From Wisconsin, 2026

80%

Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 36th of 214 House Democrats

CSIP ideology

−1.15

Left of 0, the centre of the scale · ± 0.02

Peer group: House Democrats. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Pocan, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Pocan is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).

Back to topNext: What politicians say

What Pocan says

Pocan stresses bipartisanship less than 89% of House Democrats. Bipartisanship in 3.8% of 1,844 statements, against 9.8% for the average House Democrat; 195th of 216.

An AI model reads each of Pocan’s 1,844 statements in the 119th Congress (1,765 posts on X, 62 press releases, 17 Congressional Record speeches) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for House Democrats and ranked among them.

Kinds of statement

Share of statements carrying each label, the 119th Congress

0%80%
Pocan
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion1,213 statements
66%
73%
186th of 216
Policy criticism615 statements
33%
28%
62nd of 216
Credit claiming270 statements
15%
23%
177th of 216
Personal attacks177 statements
10%
7%
51st of 216
Bipartisanship70 statements
4%
10%
195th of 216
Show the data
Pocan's share of statements in each category against the House Democrats average.
RowPocanPeers
Policy discussion66%73%
Policy criticism33%28%
Credit claiming15%23%
Personal attacks10%7%
Bipartisanship4%10%
1,844

statements classified

1,765 posts on X, 62 press releases, 17 Congressional Record speeches.

posts on X: 1,765 (95.7%)posts on X 1,765press releases: 62 (3.4%)Congressional Record speeches: 17 (0.9%)
Show the data
Pocan's statements by source
PartValue
posts on X1,765
press releases62
Congressional Record speeches17
How to read the bars

The thick bar is Pocan; the thin grey bar is the average House Democrats. A longer thick bar means Pocan does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.

Extreme labels

Pocan used extreme labels in 1.2% of statements, below the peer average. 22 statements, most often aimed at Trump; peers 1.9%.

  1. “extreme”8
  2. “MAGA”2
  3. “far right”2
  4. “fascist”2

Who gets the labels

Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements

  1. Trump3
  2. Republicans2
  3. ICE1
  4. MAGA1
  5. Netanyahu1
What an extreme label is

Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.

Month by month

Share of statements per month, the 119th Congress

Statements2025-01: 852025-02: 1102025-03: 1372025-04: 842025-05: 872025-06: 772025-07: 852025-08: 612025-09: 852025-10: 952025-11: 762025-12: 812026-01: 902026-02: 762026-03: 922026-04: 842026-05: 832026-06: 842026-07: 902026-08: 442026-09: 612026-10: 77peak 137 · Mar ’25Personal attackspeak 25.4% · Feb ’25 · latest 19.5%Personal attacks, 2025-01: 7.1% of 85Personal attacks, 2025-02: 25.4% of 110Personal attacks, 2025-03: 13.1% of 137Personal attacks, 2025-04: 14.3% of 84Personal attacks, 2025-05: 12.6% of 87Personal attacks, 2025-06: 2.6% of 77Personal attacks, 2025-07: 4.7% of 85Personal attacks, 2025-08: 6.6% of 61Personal attacks, 2025-09: 7.1% of 85Personal attacks, 2025-10: 5.3% of 95Personal attacks, 2025-11: 10.5% of 76Personal attacks, 2025-12: 7.4% of 81Personal attacks, 2026-01: 6.7% of 90Personal attacks, 2026-02: 6.6% of 76Personal attacks, 2026-03: 4.3% of 92Personal attacks, 2026-04: 5.9% of 84Personal attacks, 2026-05: 6.0% of 83Personal attacks, 2026-06: 10.7% of 84Personal attacks, 2026-07: 8.9% of 90Personal attacks, 2026-08: 11.4% of 44Personal attacks, 2026-09: 8.2% of 61Personal attacks, 2026-10: 19.5% of 77Policy criticismpeak 46.8% · Jun ’25 · latest 11.7%Policy criticism, 2025-01: 34.1% of 85Policy criticism, 2025-02: 39.1% of 110Policy criticism, 2025-03: 27.7% of 137Policy criticism, 2025-04: 34.5% of 84Policy criticism, 2025-05: 33.3% of 87Policy criticism, 2025-06: 46.8% of 77Policy criticism, 2025-07: 41.2% of 85Policy criticism, 2025-08: 45.9% of 61Policy criticism, 2025-09: 35.3% of 85Policy criticism, 2025-10: 42.1% of 95Policy criticism, 2025-11: 27.6% of 76Policy criticism, 2025-12: 23.5% of 81Policy criticism, 2026-01: 16.7% of 90Policy criticism, 2026-02: 43.4% of 76Policy criticism, 2026-03: 43.5% of 92Policy criticism, 2026-04: 34.5% of 84Policy criticism, 2026-05: 27.7% of 83Policy criticism, 2026-06: 39.3% of 84Policy criticism, 2026-07: 34.4% of 90Policy criticism, 2026-08: 25.0% of 44Policy criticism, 2026-09: 22.9% of 61Policy criticism, 2026-10: 11.7% of 77Policy discussionpeak 95.5% · Aug ’26 · latest 83.1%Policy discussion, 2025-01: 63.5% of 85Policy discussion, 2025-02: 66.4% of 110Policy discussion, 2025-03: 48.9% of 137Policy discussion, 2025-04: 54.8% of 84Policy discussion, 2025-05: 60.9% of 87Policy discussion, 2025-06: 62.3% of 77Policy discussion, 2025-07: 67.1% of 85Policy discussion, 2025-08: 60.7% of 61Policy discussion, 2025-09: 63.5% of 85Policy discussion, 2025-10: 59.0% of 95Policy discussion, 2025-11: 48.7% of 76Policy discussion, 2025-12: 64.2% of 81Policy discussion, 2026-01: 87.8% of 90Policy discussion, 2026-02: 60.5% of 76Policy discussion, 2026-03: 64.1% of 92Policy discussion, 2026-04: 75.0% of 84Policy discussion, 2026-05: 59.0% of 83Policy discussion, 2026-06: 66.7% of 84Policy discussion, 2026-07: 75.6% of 90Policy discussion, 2026-08: 95.5% of 44Policy discussion, 2026-09: 86.9% of 61Policy discussion, 2026-10: 83.1% of 77Bipartisanshippeak 9.9% · Dec ’25 · latest 3.9%Bipartisanship, 2025-01: 1.2% of 85Bipartisanship, 2025-02: 6.4% of 110Bipartisanship, 2025-03: 3.6% of 137Bipartisanship, 2025-04: 2.4% of 84Bipartisanship, 2025-05: 2.3% of 87Bipartisanship, 2025-06: 1.3% of 77Bipartisanship, 2025-07: 3.5% of 85Bipartisanship, 2025-08: 3.3% of 61Bipartisanship, 2025-09: 3.5% of 85Bipartisanship, 2025-10: 3.2% of 95Bipartisanship, 2025-11: 0.0% of 76Bipartisanship, 2025-12: 9.9% of 81Bipartisanship, 2026-01: 2.2% of 90Bipartisanship, 2026-02: 2.6% of 76Bipartisanship, 2026-03: 4.3% of 92Bipartisanship, 2026-04: 8.3% of 84Bipartisanship, 2026-05: 7.2% of 83Bipartisanship, 2026-06: 2.4% of 84Bipartisanship, 2026-07: 3.3% of 90Bipartisanship, 2026-08: 2.3% of 44Bipartisanship, 2026-09: 4.9% of 61Bipartisanship, 2026-10: 3.9% of 77Credit claimingpeak 30.6% · Jan ’25 · latest 9.1%Credit claiming, 2025-01: 30.6% of 85Credit claiming, 2025-02: 25.4% of 110Credit claiming, 2025-03: 12.4% of 137Credit claiming, 2025-04: 16.7% of 84Credit claiming, 2025-05: 10.3% of 87Credit claiming, 2025-06: 7.8% of 77Credit claiming, 2025-07: 12.9% of 85Credit claiming, 2025-08: 9.8% of 61Credit claiming, 2025-09: 14.1% of 85Credit claiming, 2025-10: 11.6% of 95Credit claiming, 2025-11: 14.5% of 76Credit claiming, 2025-12: 8.6% of 81Credit claiming, 2026-01: 15.6% of 90Credit claiming, 2026-02: 17.1% of 76Credit claiming, 2026-03: 19.6% of 92Credit claiming, 2026-04: 14.3% of 84Credit claiming, 2026-05: 13.3% of 83Credit claiming, 2026-06: 17.9% of 84Credit claiming, 2026-07: 6.7% of 90Credit claiming, 2026-08: 18.2% of 44Credit claiming, 2026-09: 13.1% of 61Credit claiming, 2026-10: 9.1% of 77Extreme labelspeak 4.7% · Jan ’25 · latest 0.0%Extreme labels, 2025-01: 4.7% of 85Extreme labels, 2025-02: 0.9% of 110Extreme labels, 2025-03: 0.0% of 137Extreme labels, 2025-04: 2.4% of 84Extreme labels, 2025-05: 1.1% of 87Extreme labels, 2025-06: 1.3% of 77Extreme labels, 2025-07: 1.2% of 85Extreme labels, 2025-08: 3.3% of 61Extreme labels, 2025-09: 3.5% of 85Extreme labels, 2025-10: 1.1% of 95Extreme labels, 2025-11: 0.0% of 76Extreme labels, 2025-12: 0.0% of 81Extreme labels, 2026-01: 2.2% of 90Extreme labels, 2026-02: 1.3% of 76Extreme labels, 2026-03: 1.1% of 92Extreme labels, 2026-04: 0.0% of 84Extreme labels, 2026-05: 0.0% of 83Extreme labels, 2026-06: 1.2% of 84Extreme labels, 2026-07: 0.0% of 90Extreme labels, 2026-08: 2.3% of 44Extreme labels, 2026-09: 0.0% of 61Extreme labels, 2026-10: 0.0% of 77Jan ’25Jul ’25Jan ’26Jul ’26Oct ’26
Show the data
Monthly rates for Pocan, each row shaded against its own peak, with statement volume. Months with fewer than 10 statements are left blank.
ColumnStatementsPersonal attacksPolicy criticismPolicy discussionBipartisanshipCredit claimingExtreme labels
Jan ’25857.1%34.1%63.5%1.2%30.6%4.7%
Feb ’2511025.4%39.1%66.4%6.4%25.4%0.9%
Mar ’2513713.1%27.7%48.9%3.6%12.4%0.0%
Apr ’258414.3%34.5%54.8%2.4%16.7%2.4%
May ’258712.6%33.3%60.9%2.3%10.3%1.1%
Jun ’25772.6%46.8%62.3%1.3%7.8%1.3%
Jul ’25854.7%41.2%67.1%3.5%12.9%1.2%
Aug ’25616.6%45.9%60.7%3.3%9.8%3.3%
Sep ’25857.1%35.3%63.5%3.5%14.1%3.5%
Oct ’25955.3%42.1%59.0%3.2%11.6%1.1%
Nov ’257610.5%27.6%48.7%0.0%14.5%0.0%
Dec ’25817.4%23.5%64.2%9.9%8.6%0.0%
Jan ’26906.7%16.7%87.8%2.2%15.6%2.2%
Feb ’26766.6%43.4%60.5%2.6%17.1%1.3%
Mar ’26924.3%43.5%64.1%4.3%19.6%1.1%
Apr ’26845.9%34.5%75.0%8.3%14.3%0.0%
May ’26836.0%27.7%59.0%7.2%13.3%0.0%
Jun ’268410.7%39.3%66.7%2.4%17.9%1.2%
Jul ’26908.9%34.4%75.6%3.3%6.7%0.0%
Aug ’264411.4%25.0%95.5%2.3%18.2%2.3%
Sep ’26618.2%22.9%86.9%4.9%13.1%0.0%
Oct ’267719.5%11.7%83.1%3.9%9.1%0.0%
How to read the strips

Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the 119th Congress, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%.

In Pocan’s words

Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned

Credit claiming

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Oct 18, 2026 · Posts on X · policy criticism; policy discussion; credit claiming; Finance and Financial Sector · Source

Bipartisanship

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Oct 20, 2026 · Posts on X · policy criticism; policy discussion; bipartisanship; credit claiming; Agriculture and Food; Economics and Public Finance · Source

Extreme label

The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

Aug 18, 2026 · Posts on X · policy discussion; Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues; Government Operations and Politics; extreme label “extreme” aimed at Republicans · Source

Examples by category

Up to five recent statements in each category

Category

Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.

  1. Posts on X

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · policy discussion · Economics and Public Finance · Government Operations and Politics · target: TrumpSource

  2. Posts on X

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · policy discussion · Government Operations and Politics · target: TrumpSource

  3. Posts on X

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · policy discussion · Agriculture and Food · target: TrumpSource

  4. Posts on X

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · policy discussion · Crime and Law Enforcement · Government Operations and Politics · target: TrumpSource

  5. Posts on X

    The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.

    personal attacks · target: TrumpSource

All 1,844 statements

Newest first, the 119th Congress

The full feed

Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 1,765 posts on X, 62 press releases, 17 Congressional Record speeches.

Back to topNext: Policy

Policy

Health is what Pocan talks about most: 29% of policy statements. Talk and legislation agree at 0.67 on a 0–1 scale (House Democrats average 0.67; 131st of 216).

Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Pocan talks about. The bills Pocan sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.

What Pocan talks about

Share of policy statements by area, the 119th Congress

0%35%
Pocan
Peers
Health347 statements
29%
26%
Economics and Public Finance262 statements
22%
20%
Government Operations and Politics220 statements
18%
20%
Armed Forces and National Security146 statements
12%
16%
International Affairs115 statements
9%
8%
Show the data
Policy areas Pocan talks about, as a share of policy statements, against the House Democrats average.
RowPocanPeers
Health29%26%
Economics and Public Finance22%20%
Government Operations and Politics18%20%
Armed Forces and National Security12%16%
International Affairs9%8%
How to read the bars

The thick bar is the share of Pocan’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for House Democrats. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.

Talks about · legislates on

Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 35%. Grey ticks are the House Democrats averages.

Talks aboutLegislates onHealthHealth, talks about: 29% (House Democrats 26%)29%Health, legislates on: 32% (House Democrats 16%)32%Economics and Public FinanceEconomics and Public Finance, talks about: 22% (House Democrats 20%)22%Economics and Public Finance, legislates on: 0% (House Democrats 1%)0%Government Operations andPoliticsGovernment Operations and Politics, talks about: 18% (House Democrats 20%)18%Government Operations and Politics, legislates on: 9% (House Democrats 11%)9%Armed Forces and NationalSecurityArmed Forces and National Security, talks about: 12% (House Democrats 16%)12%Armed Forces and National Security, legislates on: 5% (House Democrats 7%)5%International AffairsInternational Affairs, talks about: 9% (House Democrats 8%)9%International Affairs, legislates on: 8% (House Democrats 8%)8%
Show the data
Pocan's share of statements against share of bills in each policy area.
AreaTalks aboutHouse Democrats, talks aboutLegislates onHouse Democrats, legislates on
Health29%26%32%16%
Economics and Public Finance22%20%0%1%
Government Operations and Politics18%20%9%11%
Armed Forces and National Security12%16%5%7%
International Affairs9%8%8%8%
0.67

talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1

House Democrats average 0.67. Ranks 131st of 216.

What agreement means, and what it doesn’t

Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Pocan legislates on exactly the areas Pocan talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Pocan sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.

Back to topNext: Ideology

Ideology

Pocan sits at −1.15 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more liberal than 74% of House Democrats. Approximate range −1.17 to −1.14, which understates the uncertainty; from 1,929 donors and 7,312 roll calls.

CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.

−1.15

CSIP ideal point

Approximate range −1.17 to −1.14. From 1,929 donors and 7,312 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.

← More liberalMore conservative →0Pocan −1.2House Democrats −1.0All House +0.3

The outlined dot is Pocan, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Pocan’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.

What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.

Where Pocan sits

Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale

−2.0−1.00.0+1.0+2.0← More liberalMore conservative →House Democratsmedian −1.0Pocan −1.2All Housemedian +0.3
Show the data
Pocan's CSIP score of −1.15 placed against House Democrats, All House.
GroupOfficialsMedianShare left of Pocan
House Democrats217−1.026%
All House439+0.313%
How to read the strips

Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Pocan in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Pocan.

Back to topNext: Money

Money

Pocan raised $1.0M in the 2026 cycle, below the House Democrats’ median of $2.0M. 33% of individual money came in gifts of $200 or less. 80% of itemized individual money came from Wisconsin.

Campaign money from Federal Election Commission filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only.

Election cycle
$1.0M

raised in the 2026 cycle

From 377 itemized donors. House Democrats’ median $2.0M.

Where the money came from

Each square is one percent of 2026-cycle receipts, from FEC summary totals.

Itemized individual (over $200): $290.4K (28.3%)Itemized individual (over $200): $290.4K (28.3%)Itemized individual (over $200): $290.4K (28.3%)Itemized individual (over $200): $290.4K (28.3%)Itemized individual (over $200): $290.4K (28.3%)Itemized individual (over $200): $290.4K (28.3%)Itemized individual (over $200): $290.4K (28.3%)Itemized individual (over $200): $290.4K (28.3%)Itemized individual (over $200): $290.4K (28.3%)Itemized individual (over $200): $290.4K (28.3%)Itemized individual (over $200): $290.4K (28.3%)Itemized individual (over $200): $290.4K (28.3%)Itemized individual (over $200): $290.4K (28.3%)Itemized individual (over $200): $290.4K (28.3%)Itemized individual (over $200): $290.4K (28.3%)Itemized individual (over $200): $290.4K (28.3%)Itemized individual (over $200): $290.4K (28.3%)Itemized individual (over $200): $290.4K (28.3%)Itemized individual (over $200): $290.4K (28.3%)Itemized individual (over $200): $290.4K (28.3%)Itemized individual (over $200): $290.4K (28.3%)Itemized individual (over $200): $290.4K (28.3%)Itemized individual (over $200): $290.4K (28.3%)Itemized individual (over $200): $290.4K (28.3%)Itemized individual (over $200): $290.4K (28.3%)Itemized individual (over $200): $290.4K (28.3%)Itemized individual (over $200): $290.4K (28.3%)Itemized individual (over $200): $290.4K (28.3%)Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less): $144.1K (14.1%)Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less): $144.1K (14.1%)Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less): $144.1K (14.1%)Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less): $144.1K (14.1%)Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less): $144.1K (14.1%)Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less): $144.1K (14.1%)Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less): $144.1K (14.1%)Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less): $144.1K (14.1%)Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less): $144.1K (14.1%)Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less): $144.1K (14.1%)Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less): $144.1K (14.1%)Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less): $144.1K (14.1%)Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less): $144.1K (14.1%)Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less): $144.1K (14.1%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)PACs and other committees: $540.2K (52.7%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $50.6K (4.9%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $50.6K (4.9%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $50.6K (4.9%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $50.6K (4.9%)Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds): $50.6K (4.9%)
  • Itemized individual (over $200)28 squares$290.4K
  • Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less)14 squares$144.1K
  • PACs and other committees53 squares$540.2K
  • Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds)5 squares$50.6K
Show the data
Sources of Pocan's money, 2026 cycle, one square per percent
SourceAmountShare
Itemized individual (over $200)$290.4K28.3%
Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less)$144.1K14.1%
PACs and other committees$540.2K52.7%
Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds)$50.6K4.9%
What this means, and what it doesn’t

Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind. The small-donor share understates small giving when a campaign itemizes gifts made through ActBlue or WinRed.

Receipts by cycle

Total receipts, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the House Democrats’ median for 2026.

2020 cycle: $1.3M$1.3M20202022 cycle: $1.1M$1.1M20222024 cycle: $1.1M$1.1M20242026 cycle: $1.0M$1.0M2026House Democrats median $2.0M
Show the data
Pocan's receipts by cycle against the 2026 House Democrats median.
ItemValue
2020 cycle$1.3M
2022 cycle$1.1M
2024 cycle$1.1M
2026 cycle$1.0M

Top donor states, 2026

Itemized contributions by donor state. 80% came from Wisconsin.

  1. Wisconsin$194.0K
  2. District of Columbia$9,000
  3. Kentucky$7,000
  4. Illinois$6,000
  5. California$5,975

Small donations

Gifts of $200 or less as a share of individual money, by cycle. The thin grey bar is the 2026 House Democrats’ median.

0%60%
Pocan
Median
2026
33%
13%
2024
38%
13%
2022
44%
13%
2020
52%
13%
Show the data
Small-donor share by cycle against the House Democrats median
RowPocanMedian
2026 cycle33%13%
2024 cycle38%13%
2022 cycle44%13%
2020 cycle52%13%

Where itemized donors live

Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state

Alaska: no dataAKMaine: no dataMEVermont: no dataVTNew Hampshire: no dataNHWashington: $600WAIdaho: no dataIDMontana: no dataMTNorth Dakota: no dataNDMinnesota: $1,000MNIllinois: $6,000ILWisconsin: $194.0KWIMichigan: $675MINew York: $5,270NYRhode Island: no dataRIMassachusetts: $875MAOregon: $115ORNevada: no dataNVWyoming: no dataWYSouth Dakota: no dataSDIowa: no dataIAIndiana: no dataINOhio: $500OHPennsylvania: no dataPANew Jersey: no dataNJConnecticut: no dataCTCalifornia: $5,975CAUtah: no dataUTColorado: $2,000CONebraska: no dataNEMissouri: no dataMOKentucky: $7,000KYWest Virginia: no dataWVVirginia: $1,500VAMaryland: $2,500MDDelaware: $1,000DEArizona: no dataAZNew Mexico: no dataNMKansas: no dataKSArkansas: no dataARTennessee: no dataTNNorth Carolina: no dataNCSouth Carolina: no dataSCDistrict of Columbia: $9,000DCOklahoma: no dataOKLouisiana: no dataLAMississippi: no dataMSAlabama: no dataALGeorgia: no dataGAHawaii: no dataHITexas: $1,267TXFlorida: $2,445FL
Show the data
Pocan's itemized individual contributions by donor state, 2026 cycle
StateValue
Wisconsin$194.0K
District of Columbia$9,000
Kentucky$7,000
Illinois$6,000
California$5,975
New York$5,270
Maryland$2,500
Florida$2,445
Colorado$2,000
Virginia$1,500
Texas$1,267
Minnesota$1,000
Delaware$1,000
Massachusetts$875
Michigan$675
Washington$600
Ohio$500
Oregon$115
AlaskaNo data
MaineNo data
VermontNo data
New HampshireNo data
IdahoNo data
MontanaNo data
North DakotaNo data
Rhode IslandNo data
NevadaNo data
WyomingNo data
South DakotaNo data
IowaNo data
IndianaNo data
PennsylvaniaNo data
New JerseyNo data
ConnecticutNo data
UtahNo data
NebraskaNo data
MissouriNo data
West VirginiaNo data
ArizonaNo data
New MexicoNo data
KansasNo data
ArkansasNo data
TennesseeNo data
North CarolinaNo data
South CarolinaNo data
OklahomaNo data
LouisianaNo data
MississippiNo data
AlabamaNo data
GeorgiaNo data
HawaiiNo data
377

itemized donors

People who gave more than $200

80%

from Wisconsin

Of itemized individual dollars

How to read the map

Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is Wisconsin. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.

Donors’ ideology

Distribution of itemized donors’ own CSIP scores

CSIP −1.75 to −1.50: 0.0%CSIP −1.50 to −1.25: 2.3%CSIP −1.25 to −1.00: 72%72%CSIP −1.00 to −0.75: 16%CSIP −0.75 to −0.50: 1.2%CSIP −0.50 to −0.25: 3.0%CSIP −0.25 to 0.00: 1.7%CSIP 0.00 to +0.25: 2.2%CSIP +0.25 to +0.50: 0.1%CSIP +0.50 to +0.75: 1.0%CSIP +0.75 to +1.00: 0.4%← More liberalMore conservative →0
Show the data
Ideology of Pocan's itemized donors in 2026, from −1.75 to +1.00: 72% between −1.25 and −1.00, 16% between −1.00 and −0.75.
ItemValue
CSIP −1.75 to −1.500.0%
CSIP −1.50 to −1.252.3%
CSIP −1.25 to −1.0072%
CSIP −1.00 to −0.7516%
CSIP −0.75 to −0.501.2%
CSIP −0.50 to −0.253.0%
CSIP −0.25 to 0.001.7%
CSIP 0.00 to +0.252.2%
CSIP +0.25 to +0.500.1%
CSIP +0.50 to +0.751.0%
CSIP +0.75 to +1.000.4%
How to read the columns

Donors who give to many candidates get their own CSIP score. Each column is the share of Pocan’s itemized money from donors in that part of the scale, blue left of 0 and red right of 0, deeper further out; Pocan’s own score is −1.15.

Top donor occupations

Itemized, 2026 cycle.

  1. RETIRED$66.2K 97 donors
  2. NOT EMPLOYED$39.4K 103 donors
  3. CEO$14.7K 10 donors
  4. ATTORNEY$11.6K 14 donors
  5. PRESIDENT$8,100 8 donors

Top committees

PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.

  1. AIR LINE PILOTS ASSOCIATION PAC$10.0K
  2. AMERICAN BANKERS ASSOCIATION PAC (BANKPAC)$10.0K
  3. AMERICAN CRYSTAL SUGAR COMPANY POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE$10.0K
  4. AMERICAN DENTAL ASSOCIATION POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE$10.0K
  5. AMERICAN FEDERATION OF STATE COUNTY & MUNICIPAL EMPLOYEES P E O P L E$10.0K

Top employers

Itemized, 2026 cycle.

  1. BGR GROUP$5,000 6 donors
  2. EXACT SCIENCES$4,749 3 donors
  3. UW MADISON$4,000 3 donors
  4. UW-MADISON$1,297 5 donors
  5. STATE OF WISCONSIN$1,150 3 donors

Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.

Back to topNext: Votes

Votes

Pocan voted with the majority of House Democrats on 99.7% of party-line votes and missed 1.2% of 674 roll calls. House Democrats on average: 96.4% party unity, 96.9% attendance. Across all roll calls, Pocan voted against the majority of House Democrats 14 times.

674 roll calls Pocan could vote on in the 119th Congress, compared with House Democrats. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Pocan voted with the majority of House Democrats. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.

14

votes against the majority of House Democrats

Party unity 99.7%, House Democrats average 96.4%, ranks 21st of 217. 674 roll calls in the 119th Congress.

Attendance and party unity

The thick bar is Pocan, the thin grey bar the House Democrats average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.

80%100%
Pocan
Peers
Rank
Attendance
98.8%
96.9%
73rd of 217
Party unity
99.7%
96.4%
21st of 217
Show the data
Pocan's attendance and party unity against House Democrats.
RowPocanPeers
Attendance98.8%96.9%
Party unity99.7%96.4%
What this means, and what it doesn’t

A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.

Key votes

25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the 119th Congress

Key votes
Party split (yea–nay)Why it’s key
Sep 16, 2026
S. 2403
Retire through Ownership Act
On Motion to Suspend the Rules and Pass
YeaWith majorityPassedD 209–0 · R 191–14 · I 1–0Democrats 209 yea, 0 nay; Republicans 191 yea, 14 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 naybecame law
Sep 16, 2026
H.J.Res. 213
Providing for congressional disapproval under chapter 8 of title 5, United States Code, of the rule issued by the Environmental Protection Agency relating to the “California State Nonroad Engine Pollution Control Standards; Commercial Harbor Craft Regulations; Notice of Decision”
On Passage
NayWith majorityPassedD 3–207 · R 210–1 · I 1–0Democrats 3 yea, 207 nay; Republicans 210 yea, 1 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nayclose vote
Sep 16, 2026
H.R. 10326
PROOF Act
On Passage
NayWith majorityPassedD 6–206 · R 210–1 · I 1–0Democrats 6 yea, 206 nay; Republicans 210 yea, 1 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nayclose vote
Sep 16, 2026
H.R. 9576
National Fraud Enforcement Division Act
On Passage
NayAgainst majorityPassedD 139–72 · R 212–0 · I 1–0Democrats 139 yea, 72 nay; Republicans 212 yea, 0 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nayparty crossover
Sep 16, 2026
H.R. 5334
An Act to amend the Internal Revenue Code of 1986 to allow early childhood educators to take the educator expense deduction, and for other purposes
On Motion to Concur in the Senate Amendments
NayWith majorityPassedD 58–152 · R 203–7 · I 1–0Democrats 58 yea, 152 nay; Republicans 203 yea, 7 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 naybecame law · party crossover
How key votes are chosen

Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.

Votes most often with

The colleagues who voted the same way as Pocan most often

  1. Mark TakanoD660 shared votes99%
  2. Danny DavisD637 shared votes99%
  3. Bonnie Watson ColemanD659 shared votes99%
  4. Jill TokudaD664 shared votes99%
  5. LaMonica McIverD662 shared votes99%

Votes least often with

The colleagues who voted the same way as Pocan least often

  1. Chip RoyR630 shared votes15%
  2. Ralph NormanR589 shared votes16%
  3. Eric BurlisonR634 shared votes16%
  4. Andy BiggsR600 shared votes17%
  5. Josh BrecheenR633 shared votes17%
How to read the agreement lists

The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.

Full voting record

119th Congress (2025–27), loads in batches

Back to topNext: Legislation

Legislation

Pocan sponsored 26 bills in the 119th Congress; none became law. Cosponsored 582 others. 0% of sponsored bills got out of committee (House Democrats average 4.9%; 171st of 207).

The bills Pocan sponsored and cosponsored in the 119th Congress, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.

Bills by stage

Counts for the 119th Congress

Sponsored26 billsSponsored, Introduced: 2626Sponsored, In committee: 2626Sponsored, Passed one chamber: 00Sponsored, Passed both chambers: 00Sponsored, Became law: 00Cosponsored582 billsCosponsored, Introduced: 582582Cosponsored, In committee: 582582Cosponsored, Passed one chamber: 1414Cosponsored, Passed both chambers: 11Cosponsored, Became law: 11IntroducedIncommitteePassed onechamberPassed bothchambersBecamelaw
Show the data
Bills Pocan sponsored and cosponsored, by furthest stage reached
RoleIntroducedIn committeePassed one chamberPassed both chambersBecame law
Sponsored2626000
Cosponsored5825821411
How to read the blocks

Ink blocks are bills Pocan sponsored, ochre blocks bills Pocan cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.

0%

of sponsored bills got out of committee

House Democrats average 4.9%. Ranks 171st of 207.

Cosponsorship partners

Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Pocan, by number of shared bills in the 119th Congress; the square shows their party.

  1. Eleanor Norton104
  2. Rashida Tlaib78
  3. Pramila Jayapal55
  4. André Carson42
  5. Bonnie Watson Coleman42
What this means, and what it doesn’t

The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Pocan’s bills; the toggle shows more.

Bill list

Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest

Bills sponsored and cosponsored
H.R. 10875To amend titles II and XVIII of the Social Security Act to lower the Medicare eligibility age to 50, and for other purposes.CosponsorOct 22, 2026In committeeUnassignedReferred to the Committee on Energy and Commerce, and in addition to the Committee on Ways and Means, for a period to be subsequently determined by the Speaker, in each case for consideration of such provisions as fall within the jurisdiction of the committee concerned. Oct 22, 2026
H.Res. 1634Expressing support for the recognition of October 26, 2026, as Intersex Awareness Day, and supporting the goals and ideals of Intersex Awareness Day.CosponsorOct 22, 2026In committeeCivil Rights and Liberties, Minority IssuesReferred to the Committee on Energy and Commerce, and in addition to the Committee on Education and Workforce, for a period to be subsequently determined by the Speaker, in each case for consideration of such provisions as fall within the jurisdiction of the committee concerned. Oct 22, 2026
H.R. 10841Securing Elections From AI Deception ActCosponsorOct 19, 2026In committeeUnassignedReferred to the House Committee on Energy and Commerce. Oct 19, 2026
H.R. 10642STS ActCosponsorOct 1, 2026In committeeInternational AffairsReferred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs, and in addition to the Committees on the Judiciary, Financial Services, and Ways and Means, for a period to be subsequently determined by the Speaker, in each case for consideration of such provisions as fall within the jurisdiction of the committee concerned. Oct 1, 2026
H.Res. 1602Recognizing the importance of access to pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP) for HIV prevention and supporting the designation of Saturday, October 10, 2026, as "National PrEP Day".SponsorOct 1, 2026In committeeHealthReferred to the House Committee on Energy and Commerce. Oct 1, 2026

Back to topNext: Online

Online

A site that changed 56 times in 90 days. Pocan’s official site had 38 pages when last crawled on Oct 25, 2026. The lab last catalogued the images Pocan posted on Oct 24, 2026.

The lab crawls Pocan’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Pocan posts with a vision model.

Websites

  • Official site

    pocan.house.gov

    Last crawled Oct 25, 2026

    38

    pages crawled

    56

    changes in 90 days

  • Campaign site

    pocanforcongress.com

    Last crawled Oct 25, 2026

    12

    pages crawled

    0

    changes in 90 days

How to read the counts

“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.

Social accounts

Images Pocan posted

The latest 24, with model-written descriptions

  • A colorful promotional poster for a student coding competition, with a QR code and illustrations of electronic devices near the top. It includes a representative’s name and office branding at the bottom.
    A colorful promotional poster for a student coding competition, with a QR code and illustrations of electronic devices near the top. It includes a representative’s name and office branding at the bottom.View post
  • A screenshot of an America.gov webpage with a form for reporting suspected fraud in a federal benefit program. The form includes instructions and a filled-in text box.
    A screenshot of an America.gov webpage with a form for reporting suspected fraud in a federal benefit program. The form includes instructions and a filled-in text box.View post
  • A political graphic featuring a black-and-white image of Donald Trump pointing upward beside a large slogan. A representative's name and district appear near the bottom. The background is dark blue and reddish with a textured, speckled effect.
    A political graphic featuring a black-and-white image of Donald Trump pointing upward beside a large slogan. A representative's name and district appear near the bottom. The background is dark blue and reddish with a textured, speckled effect.View post
  • A monochrome newspaper-style graphic with a large headline and The Washington Post masthead above a black-and-white portrait of a suited man. The image contains text.
    A monochrome newspaper-style graphic with a large headline and The Washington Post masthead above a black-and-white portrait of a suited man. The image contains text.View post
  • A newspaper-style graphic features a headline on torn paper, with the final line highlighted in yellow. Below the newspaper masthead, black-and-white cutout images show Vladimir Putin and Donald Trump shaking hands; Putin raises one finger while speaking. The background is dark blue.
    A newspaper-style graphic features a headline on torn paper, with the final line highlighted in yellow. Below the newspaper masthead, black-and-white cutout images show Vladimir Putin and Donald Trump shaking hands; Putin raises one finger while speaking. The background is dark blue.View post
About the descriptions

Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.

Back to topNext: Methods and sources

Methods and sources

How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.

The headline

The headline is the measure on which Pocan is most unusual among House Democrats, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.

The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.

A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).

Identifiers

Profile id
P000607
Bioguide
P000607
FEC candidate ids
H2WI02124

Bulk files with the same data for every official:

Freshness of this profile’s data

  • What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
  • Roll calls (Congress)Sep 30, 202628 days agoVoteview roll calls, 113th Congress (2013) on.
  • Bills (Congress)Oct 22, 20266 days agoGovInfo BILLSTATUS: sponsors, cosponsors, actions, CRS policy area.
  • Campaign money (FEC)Oct 22, 20266 days agoFEC committee financial summaries (totals, small donations) and itemized contributions (donor counts, states, employers), cycles 2020-2026; aggregates only.
  • Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
  • WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
  • ImagesOct 28, 2026todayImages in members' tweets with vision-model descriptions.

How the measures work

What politicians say
Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
Extreme labels
A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
Policy areas and agreement
Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology (CSIP)
Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
Campaign money
Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
Votes and key votes
Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
Peers and ranks
Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.

America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab

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