raised in the 2026 cycle, in the top tenth of House Democrats
The median for House Democrats is $2.0M. Ranks 17th of 214, where 1st raised the most. 1,381 itemized donors.
Total receipts of Torres’s campaign committees in the 2026 cycle, from the FEC’s financial summaries, ranked among House Democrats. Totals depend on whether the seat is up this cycle and on how costly the race is, so they describe the campaign, not the official’s record.
0
At a glance
6 measures against House Democrats. 62% of Torres’s statements discuss policy, in the bottom tenth of House Democrats (average 73%). 5.6% of Torres’s statements use bipartisan language, in the bottom quarter of House Democrats (average 9.8%).
The measures on which Torres sits furthest from the middle of House Democrats, each against the same group, with the CSIP score when there is one. Every number is explained in its own section below.
Raised, 2026
$7.2M
House Democrats’ median $2.0M · ranks 17th of 214
Policy discussion
62%
House Democrats average 73% · ranks 199th of 216
Bipartisanship
5.6%
House Democrats average 9.8% · ranks 174th of 216
From New York, 2026
35%
Of itemized individual dollars · ranks 169th of 214 House Democrats
Small donations, 2026
5.7%
House Democrats’ median 13% · ranks 164th of 214
CSIP ideology
−0.85
Left of 0, the centre of the scale · ± 0.02
Peer group: House Democrats. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; the thick bar is Torres, the thin grey bar the peer average. The headline is the measure on which Torres is most unusual among peers (Methods, §08).
Torres stresses bipartisanship less than 80% of House Democrats. Bipartisanship in 5.6% of 665 statements, against 9.8% for the average House Democrat; 174th of 216.
An AI model reads each of Torres’s 665 statements in the 119th Congress (542 posts on X, 75 Congressional Record speeches, 37 newsletters, 11 press releases) and marks the kinds of statement it contains: a personal attack, criticism of a policy, discussion of policy, bipartisanship, credit claiming, and extreme labels. A statement can carry several. Every rate is compared with the average for House Democrats and ranked among them.
Kinds of statement
Share of statements carrying each label, the 119th Congress
Torres
House Democrats, average of 216
0%20%40%60%80%
Torres
Peers
Rank
Policy discussion412 statements
62%
73%
199th of 216
Policy criticism190 statements
29%
28%
109th of 216
Credit claiming159 statements
24%
23%
84th of 216
Bipartisanship37 statements
6%
10%
174th of 216
Personal attacks32 statements
5%
7%
124th of 216
+ Show the data
Torres's share of statements in each category against the House Democrats average.
Row
Torres
Peers
Policy discussion
62%
73%
Policy criticism
29%
28%
Credit claiming
24%
23%
Bipartisanship
6%
10%
Personal attacks
5%
7%
665
statements classified
542 posts on X, 75 Congressional Record speeches, 37 newsletters, 11 press releases.
posts on X
Congressional Record speeches
newsletters
press releases
+ Show the data
Torres's statements by source
Part
Value
posts on X
542
Congressional Record speeches
75
newsletters
37
press releases
11
+ − How to read the bars
The thick bar is Torres; the thin grey bar is the average House Democrats. A longer thick bar means Torres does this more than peers. Rank 1 is the highest rate in the group.
Extreme labels
Torres used extreme labels in 1.1% of statements, below the peer average. 7 statements, most often aimed at settler violence; peers 1.9%.
“extreme”2
“radical”1
Who gets the labels
Targets named alongside an extreme label, by number of statements
settler violence1
Trump1
+ − What an extreme label is
Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who or what the label was aimed at. The lists show the five most used labels and targets; the toggle shows the rest.
Month by month
Share of statements per month, the 119th Congress
+ Show the data
Monthly rates for Torres, each row shaded against its own peak, with statement volume. Months with fewer than 10 statements are left blank.
Column
Statements
Personal attacks
Policy criticism
Policy discussion
Bipartisanship
Credit claiming
Extreme labels
Jan ’25
35
5.7%
48.6%
65.7%
2.9%
20.0%
0.0%
Feb ’25
24
8.3%
58.3%
75.0%
4.2%
16.7%
4.2%
Mar ’25
56
5.4%
28.6%
62.5%
7.1%
19.6%
3.6%
Apr ’25
49
10.2%
20.4%
40.8%
6.1%
12.2%
0.0%
May ’25
39
7.7%
33.3%
48.7%
0.0%
10.3%
2.6%
Jun ’25
57
8.8%
19.3%
42.1%
3.5%
5.3%
1.8%
Jul ’25
43
2.3%
39.5%
53.5%
0.0%
9.3%
0.0%
Aug ’25
8
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
— (fewer than 10 statements)
Sep ’25
36
0.0%
25.0%
61.1%
11.1%
38.9%
0.0%
Oct ’25
41
4.9%
46.3%
73.2%
7.3%
17.1%
0.0%
Nov ’25
27
0.0%
33.3%
63.0%
18.5%
48.1%
0.0%
Dec ’25
14
14.3%
35.7%
85.7%
0.0%
42.9%
0.0%
Jan ’26
38
7.9%
21.1%
84.2%
2.6%
18.4%
0.0%
Feb ’26
41
0.0%
24.4%
65.8%
9.8%
61.0%
2.4%
Mar ’26
11
0.0%
18.2%
54.5%
0.0%
36.4%
9.1%
Apr ’26
36
2.8%
11.1%
66.7%
2.8%
30.6%
0.0%
May ’26
22
9.1%
22.7%
68.2%
13.6%
31.8%
0.0%
Jun ’26
25
4.0%
36.0%
60.0%
8.0%
28.0%
0.0%
Jul ’26
15
0.0%
13.3%
73.3%
20.0%
40.0%
0.0%
Aug ’26
17
0.0%
17.6%
70.6%
0.0%
35.3%
0.0%
Sep ’26
18
0.0%
5.6%
61.1%
0.0%
11.1%
0.0%
Oct ’26
13
0.0%
30.8%
92.3%
0.0%
15.4%
0.0%
+ − How to read the strips
Each row is one kind of statement; each cell is a month, shaded against that row’s own peak (darker = closer to the peak), with the peak and the latest value written at the right. The top row counts statements. The strip covers every month of the 119th Congress, the same span as the rates above, including months with no statements. A month with fewer than 10 statements is hatched, not shaded: one or two posts would swing its rate to 0% or 100%. One month is hatched here.
In Torres’s words
Real statements from the classifier’s example set, with the labels it assigned
Personal attacks
$3M FOR ANDREW JACKSON HOUSES
[Rep. Ritchie Torres banner]
Week in Review
Rep. Ritchie Torres, NY-15
Dear Friends and Neighbors,
I hope you and your loved ones are well, and wishing an Eid Mubarak to all those who celebrated.
Our Bronx community recently lost Clarence B. Jones. He was counsel a…
Jun 5, 2026 · Newsletters · personal attacks; policy discussion; bipartisanship; credit claiming; Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues; Crime and Law Enforcement; Education; Immigration; Energy; Finance and Financial Sector; Government Operations and Politics; Housing and Community Development; Health; International Affairs; Transportation and Public Works; target: Kevin Warsh
Bipartisanship
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Jul 27, 2026 · Posts on X · policy discussion; bipartisanship; Immigration · Source
Extreme label
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
Mar 23, 2026 · Posts on X · policy discussion; Crime and Law Enforcement; International Affairs; extreme label “extreme” aimed at settler violence · Source
Examples by category
Up to five recent statements in each category
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
·Newsletters
$3M FOR ANDREW JACKSON HOUSES
[Rep. Ritchie Torres banner]
Week in Review
Rep. Ritchie Torres, NY-15
Dear Friends and Neighbors,
I hope you and your loved ones are well, and wishing an Eid Mubarak to all those who celebrated.
Our Bronx community recently lost Clarence B. Jones. He was counsel and close confidant to Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., a co-organizer of the March on Washington, and a co-author of the "I H…
personal attacks · policy discussion · bipartisanship · credit claiming · Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues · Crime and Law Enforcement · Education · Immigration · Energy · Finance and Financial Sector · Government Operations and Politics · Housing and Community Development · Health · International Affairs · Transportation and Public Works · target: Kevin Warsh
·Posts on X
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy criticism · policy discussion · Government Operations and Politics · target: Donald TrumpSource ↗
·Newsletters
$2 MILLION FOR NEIGHBORHOOD INTERNET
[Rep. Ritchie Torres banner]
Week in Review
Rep. Ritchie Torres, NY-15
Dear Friends and Neighbors,
I hope you and your loved ones are well. Here’s a recap of what my team and I have been up to the past two weeks.
District Events
[https://assets.unlayer.com/projects/27642/1778255975919-image4.png]
This Monday, I held a press conference announcing that I had secured $2 millio…
personal attacks · policy discussion · bipartisanship · credit claiming · Science, Technology, Communications · Economics and Public Finance · Housing and Community Development · Government Operations and Politics · Commerce · International Affairs · Education · Immigration · Finance and Financial Sector · Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues · target: Donald Trump
·Posts on X
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Housing and Community Development · target: Ved ParkashSource ↗
·Posts on X
The text of this post is on X; follow the source link to read it.
personal attacks · policy discussion · Crime and Law Enforcement · Government Operations and Politics · target: Wanda VázquezSource ↗
All 665 statements
Newest first, the 119th Congress
+ − The full feed
Five statements at a time, newest first; filters apply to the statements loaded so far. Export saves the statements that match. Sources: 542 posts on X, 75 Congressional Record speeches, 37 newsletters, 11 press releases.
Health is what Torres talks about most: 27% of policy statements. Talk and legislation agree at 0.67 on a 0–1 scale (House Democrats average 0.67; 132nd of 216).
Each policy statement is tagged by the AI model with one or more of 25 policy areas from the Congressional Research Service list, so the shares say what Torres talks about. The bills Torres sponsors and cosponsors carry the same areas, so the two can be compared.
What Torres talks about
Share of policy statements by area, the 119th Congress
Torres
House Democrats average
0%9%18%26%35%
Torres
Peers
Health112 statements
27%
26%
Housing and Community Development63 statements
15%
6%
Economics and Public Finance59 statements
14%
20%
Education54 statements
13%
10%
Government Operations and Politics54 statements
13%
20%
+ Show the data
Policy areas Torres talks about, as a share of policy statements, against the House Democrats average.
Row
Torres
Peers
Health
27%
26%
Housing and Community Development
15%
6%
Economics and Public Finance
14%
20%
Education
13%
10%
Government Operations and Politics
13%
20%
+ − How to read the bars
The thick bar is the share of Torres’s policy statements in an area; the thin grey bar is the average share for House Democrats. A statement counts once in each of its areas, so shares can add to more than 100%. The five largest areas are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
Talks about · legislates on
Left: share of statements by policy area. Right: share of bills. Areas in order of their share of statements; both sides run from 0 to 35%. Grey ticks are the House Democrats averages.
Statements
Bills
House Democrats
+ Show the data
Torres's share of statements against share of bills in each policy area.
Area
Talks about
House Democrats, talks about
Legislates on
House Democrats, legislates on
Health
27%
26%
18%
16%
Housing and Community Development
15%
6%
5%
2%
Economics and Public Finance
14%
20%
0%
1%
Education
13%
10%
5%
5%
Government Operations and Politics
13%
20%
13%
11%
0.67
talk-to-bills agreement, 0 to 1
House Democrats average 0.67. Ranks 132nd of 216.
+ − What agreement means, and what it doesn’t
Agreement is 1 minus the distance between the two distributions (Jensen–Shannon): 1 means Torres legislates on exactly the areas Torres talks about, in the same proportions; 0 means no overlap. It does not say whether the bills match the positions in the statements, only the subjects. Bills Torres sponsored count fully, cosponsored bills a quarter. Shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Torres sits at −0.85 on the CSIP scale, left of 0, more conservative than 69% of House Democrats. Approximate range −0.86 to −0.83, which understates the uncertainty; from 7,224 donors and 2,822 roll calls.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official, federal and state, on one left–right scale, estimated from roll-call votes, who gives money to whom, and the text of statements. Negative is left of 0, positive right of it; 0 is the centre of the scale, not a definition of “moderate”.
−0.85
CSIP ideal point
Approximate range −0.86 to −0.83. From 7,224 donors and 2,822 roll calls. Run 2026-10-25T215945. Blue is left of 0, red right of 0.
The outlined dot is Torres, coloured by its side of 0 (blue left, red right, deeper further out); the bar through it is the approximate range (±1.96 standard errors), which understates the uncertainty; the grey ticks below are the medians of Torres’s groups. 0 is the centre of the scale, not “moderate” by definition.
+ − What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score summarises how an official votes, who funds them and how they talk, relative to everyone else. It does not grade positions as good or bad, and two officials with the same score can differ on any single issue. The ± range is 1.96 standard errors, which understates the uncertainty: scores whose ranges overlap may not differ at all, and even scores whose ranges do not overlap may not differ.
Where Torres sits
Every official in each group, on the CSIP scale
House Democrats217 · median −1.0
All House439 · median +0.3
+ Show the data
Torres's CSIP score of −0.85 placed against House Democrats, All House.
Group
Officials
Median
Share left of Torres
House Democrats
217
−1.0
69%
All House
439
+0.3
34%
+ − How to read the strips
Every small dot is one official on the same scale, coloured by its own score (blue left of 0, red right of 0, grey at 0, deeper further out) and spread up and down only to keep dots apart; where a group is crowded the dots overlap, and darker patches mean more officials. The large outlined dot is Torres in every row; the rule is each group’s median. The table under the figure gives the share of each group to the left of Torres.
Torres raised $7.2M in the 2026 cycle, 3.6 times the House Democrats’ median of $2.0M. 5.7% of individual money came in gifts of $200 or less. 35% of itemized individual money came from New York.
Campaign money from Federal Election Commission filings, as aggregates only; the lab never shows an individual donor. Campaigns must report by name every person who gives them more than $200 in a cycle (“itemized”); smaller gifts are reported only as one total (“unitemized”), so donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations describe itemized donors only.
$7.2M
raised in the 2026 cycle
From 1,381 itemized donors. House Democrats’ median $2.0M.
Where the money came from
Each square is one percent of 2026-cycle receipts, from FEC summary totals.
Itemized individual (over $200)32 squares$2.3M
Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less)2 squares$139.1K
PACs and other committees13 squares$908.4K
Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds)53 squares$3.8M
+ Show the data
Sources of Torres's money, 2026 cycle, one square per percent
Source
Amount
Share
Itemized individual (over $200)
$2.3M
32.0%
Unitemized individual (gifts of $200 or less)
$139.1K
1.9%
PACs and other committees
$908.4K
12.7%
Remainder not broken out in the FEC summary (transfers, loans, refunds)
$3.8M
53.4%
+ − What this means, and what it doesn’t
Totals say how much a campaign took in, not how it was spent, and they rise sharply when a seat is up for election; compare cycles with that in mind. The small-donor share understates small giving when a campaign itemizes gifts made through ActBlue or WinRed.
Receipts by cycle
Total receipts, 2020 to 2026. The grey line is the House Democrats’ median for 2026.
+ Show the data
Torres's receipts by cycle against the 2026 House Democrats median.
Item
Value
2020 cycle
$2.2M
2022 cycle
$4.4M
2024 cycle
$9.2M
2026 cycle
$7.2M
Top donor states, 2026
Itemized contributions by donor state. 35% came from New York.
New York$760.0K
California$287.7K
Florida$269.9K
Colorado$111.3K
Massachusetts$84.3K
Small donations
Gifts of $200 or less as a share of individual money, by cycle. The thin grey bar is the 2026 House Democrats’ median.
Torres
Median
0%20%40%60%
Torres
Median
2026
6%
13%
2024
5%
13%
2022
5%
13%
2020
4%
13%
+ Show the data
Small-donor share by cycle against the House Democrats median
Row
Torres
Median
2026 cycle
6%
13%
2024 cycle
5%
13%
2022 cycle
5%
13%
2020 cycle
4%
13%
Where itemized donors live
Individuals who gave more than $200, by donor state
Itemized dollars$500$760.0Kno data
+ Show the data
Torres's itemized individual contributions by donor state, 2026 cycle
State
Value
New York
$760.0K
California
$287.7K
Florida
$269.9K
Colorado
$111.3K
Massachusetts
$84.3K
Pennsylvania
$81.7K
Connecticut
$77.6K
Maryland
$66.7K
Michigan
$63.5K
Illinois
$47.7K
New Jersey
$46.9K
Texas
$46.0K
Arizona
$31.8K
Tennessee
$26.0K
District of Columbia
$25.3K
Virginia
$21.2K
Utah
$14.8K
Oregon
$14.2K
Ohio
$13.3K
North Carolina
$9,949
Nevada
$9,000
Delaware
$8,600
Washington
$8,300
Maine
$7,500
Georgia
$6,560
Missouri
$5,500
Wyoming
$3,500
Kentucky
$3,000
Alabama
$3,000
New Mexico
$2,050
Indiana
$1,750
Arkansas
$1,000
Hawaii
$978
Vermont
$500
New Hampshire
$500
Rhode Island
$500
Oklahoma
$500
Alaska
No data
Idaho
No data
Montana
No data
North Dakota
No data
Minnesota
No data
Wisconsin
No data
South Dakota
No data
Iowa
No data
Nebraska
No data
West Virginia
No data
Kansas
No data
South Carolina
No data
Louisiana
No data
Mississippi
No data
1,381
itemized donors
People who gave more than $200
35%
from New York
Of itemized individual dollars
+ − How to read the map
Every state the same size. Darker states gave more itemized money; hatched states had no itemized donors; the outlined state is New York. Gifts of $200 or less carry no address and are left out.
Donors’ ideology
Distribution of itemized donors’ own CSIP scores
+ Show the data
Ideology of Torres's itemized donors in 2026, from −1.50 to +1.00: 37% between −1.00 and −0.75, 15% between −0.75 and −0.50, 9.6% between −0.50 and −0.25, 12% between −0.25 and 0.00, 10% between 0.00 and +0.25, 6.7% between +0.25 and +0.50.
Item
Value
CSIP −1.50 to −1.25
0.1%
CSIP −1.25 to −1.00
4.4%
CSIP −1.00 to −0.75
37%
CSIP −0.75 to −0.50
15%
CSIP −0.50 to −0.25
9.6%
CSIP −0.25 to 0.00
12%
CSIP 0.00 to +0.25
10%
CSIP +0.25 to +0.50
6.7%
CSIP +0.50 to +0.75
4.0%
CSIP +0.75 to +1.00
0.5%
+ − How to read the columns
Donors who give to many candidates get their own CSIP score. Each column is the share of Torres’s itemized money from donors in that part of the scale, blue left of 0 and red right of 0, deeper further out; Torres’s own score is −0.85.
Top donor occupations
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
NOT EMPLOYED$297.7K 197 donors
RETIRED$234.8K 196 donors
ATTORNEY$130.7K 115 donors
CEO$101.3K 40 donors
INVESTOR$93.8K 30 donors
Top committees
PAC and committee contributions, 2026 cycle.
ALLY FINANCIAL INC. ADVOCACY POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE$10.0K
AMERICAN BANKERS ASSOCIATION PAC (BANKPAC)$10.0K
AMERICAN EXPRESS COMPANY POLITICAL ACTION COMMITTEE (AXPPAC)$10.0K
AMERICAN FEDERATION OF TEACHERS, AFL-CIO COMMITTEE ON POLITICAL EDUCATION$10.0K
BANK OF AMERICA CORPORATION FEDERAL PAC$10.0K
Top employers
Itemized, 2026 cycle.
ELLIOTT MANAGEMENT$34.5K 6 donors
BNY$26.5K 10 donors
FIDELITY INVESTMENTS$16.2K 14 donors
THEGROUP$12.5K 6 donors
MINDSET$10.0K 5 donors
Aggregates only. Individual donors are never named.
Torres voted with the majority of House Democrats on 96.5% of party-line votes and missed 3.3% of 674 roll calls. House Democrats on average: 96.4% party unity, 96.9% attendance. Across all roll calls, Torres voted against the majority of House Democrats 26 times.
674 roll calls Torres could vote on in the 119th Congress, compared with House Democrats. Attendance is the share with a vote recorded. Party unity counts only party-line roll calls, where most Democrats and most Republicans voted on opposite sides, and is the share of those where Torres voted with the majority of House Democrats. The count of votes against that majority covers every roll call where the majority took a side.
26
votes against the majority of House Democrats
Party unity 96.5%, House Democrats average 96.4%, ranks 151st of 217. 674 roll calls in the 119th Congress.
Attendance and party unity
The thick bar is Torres, the thin grey bar the House Democrats average. The scale runs from 80% to 100% to show the gap.
Torres
House Democrats, average of 217
80%90%100%
Torres
Peers
Rank
Attendance
96.7%
96.9%
159th of 217
Party unity
96.5%
96.4%
151st of 217
+ Show the data
Torres's attendance and party unity against House Democrats.
Row
Torres
Peers
Attendance
96.7%
96.9%
Party unity
96.5%
96.4%
+ − What this means, and what it doesn’t
A missed roll call has many causes, from illness to campaigning, so attendance says how often, not why. A vote against the majority can be on procedure as well as substance, and many fall on roll calls where both parties split; the key votes below show the ones that decided something.
Key votes
25 roll calls the lab flagged as key in the 119th Congress
Providing for congressional disapproval under chapter 8 of title 5, United States Code, of the rule issued by the Environmental Protection Agency relating to the “California State Nonroad Engine Pollution Control Standards; Commercial Harbor Craft Regulations; Notice of Decision”
On Passage
Nay
With majority
Passed
D 3–207 · R 210–1 · I 1–0Democrats 3 yea, 207 nay; Republicans 210 yea, 1 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay
An Act to amend the Internal Revenue Code of 1986 to allow early childhood educators to take the educator expense deduction, and for other purposes
On Motion to Concur in the Senate Amendments
Nay
With majority
Passed
D 58–152 · R 203–7 · I 1–0Democrats 58 yea, 152 nay; Republicans 203 yea, 7 nay; Independents 1 yea, 0 nay
became law · party crossover
+ − How key votes are chosen
Automatically: a final-passage or override vote where the measure became law, the margin was under 10%, at least 10% of either party voted against its majority, or the bill was among the 25 most mentioned in officials’ own statements. Up to 25 per window, most recent first; five are shown. Bars show yea on the left, nay on the right, per party.
Votes most often with
The colleagues who voted the same way as Torres most often
The share of roll calls both members voted on where they voted the same way, among colleagues sharing at least 50 such votes. High agreement with members of the other party is common on routine votes.
Torres sponsored 53 bills in the 119th Congress; none became law. Cosponsored 418 others. 1.9% of sponsored bills got out of committee (House Democrats average 4.9%; 129th of 207).
The bills Torres sponsored and cosponsored in the 119th Congress, from the official bill records, and how far each got: introduced, referred to or acted on in committee, passed one chamber, passed both, became law. A bill counts at every stage it has reached, so the blocks only shrink to the right.
Bills by stage
Counts for the 119th Congress
Sponsored
Cosponsored
+ Show the data
Bills Torres sponsored and cosponsored, by furthest stage reached
Role
Introduced
In committee
Passed one chamber
Passed both chambers
Became law
Sponsored
53
53
1
0
0
Cosponsored
418
418
23
3
2
+ − How to read the blocks
Ink blocks are bills Torres sponsored, ochre blocks bills Torres cosponsored; the figure above each block is the count. Most bills in any legislature never leave committee, so a short staircase is the norm.
1.9%
of sponsored bills got out of committee
House Democrats average 4.9%. Ranks 129th of 207.
Cosponsorship partners
Colleagues who most often cosponsor with Torres, by number of shared bills in the 119th Congress; the square shows their party.
Democrat
Republican
Michael Lawler31
George Latimer27
Eleanor Norton27
Adriano Espaillat23
Yvette Clarke22
+ − What this means, and what it doesn’t
The score is the share of sponsored bills that a committee reported out or a chamber passed, with at least 5 sponsored bills, ranked within the peer group. Members of the majority party and committee chairs move more bills, so the rank reflects position in the chamber as well as effort. Cosponsorship partners are the five colleagues who share the most of Torres’s bills; the toggle shows more.
Bill list
Sponsored and cosponsored, with status and policy area; five are shown, the toggle shows the rest
Expressing support for the recognition of October 26, 2026, as Intersex Awareness Day, and supporting the goals and ideals of Intersex Awareness Day.
Cosponsor
Oct 22, 2026
In committee
Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues
Referred to the Committee on Energy and Commerce, and in addition to the Committee on Education and Workforce, for a period to be subsequently determined by the Speaker, in each case for consideration of such provisions as fall within the jurisdiction of the committee concerned. Oct 22, 2026
To designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 1905 Route 112 in Medford, New York, as the "Gunnery Sergeant Ruben Santos Post Office Building".
Cosponsor
Oct 9, 2026
In committee
Government Operations and Politics
Referred to the House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform. Oct 9, 2026
Recognizing the third anniversary of the October 7, 2023, terrorist attacks on Israel, honoring the victims and the hostages, and calling for the complete disarmament of Hamas for a durable end to the war in Gaza.
Cosponsor
Oct 6, 2026
In committee
International Affairs
Referred to the House Committee on Foreign Affairs. Oct 6, 2026
A site that changed 53 times in 90 days. Torres’s official site had 26 pages when last crawled on Oct 25, 2026. The lab last catalogued the images Torres posted on Oct 21, 2026.
The lab crawls Torres’s official and campaign websites (weekly for Congress, monthly for the states) and keeps every page’s text, so changes can be read later; it also records social accounts and describes the images Torres posts with a vision model.
“Pages crawled” is the size of the site at the last crawl; “changes in 90 days” counts pages whose text differed from the previous crawl. Sites change for many routine reasons, such as new press releases, so a high count is not by itself notable.
A political statement graphic on a blue panel over a textured light-blue background. The panel features a quotation, a handwritten signature, and a small official-looking logo.View post ↗
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A blue-and-white formal joint statement poster, with four government seals at the top and four handwritten signatures near the bottom. The poster contains a headline and several paragraphs of text.View post ↗
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A blue and orange political statement graphic with several paragraphs of white text, a handwritten signature, and a small campaign-style logo at the bottom.View post ↗
04
A political campaign-style graphic with a blue central panel over a blurred grocery store background. It features a basket of groceries at the top, a megaphone illustration near the bottom, a signature, and a campaign logo. Text is present.View post ↗
05
A political information graphic over a blurred grocery-store background, with a blue panel discussing possible SNAP benefit cost changes and an effort to delay them. It includes a grocery basket, a megaphone, and a right-pointing arrow.View post ↗
+ − About the descriptions
Written by a vision model and may be wrong. Open the post to see the original. Five are shown; the toggle shows the rest.
How this page was made. Profile built Oct 28, 2026; site last built Oct 28, 2026. Every number on the page is computed from the sources listed here, by the same rules for every official; nothing is written by hand.
The headline
The headline is the measure on which Torres is most unusual among House Democrats, chosen by one rule for every official of every party. The candidates are the rate of each kind of statement and of extreme labels, party unity, attendance, the small-donor share, the in-state share and total receipts of the latest cycle, the share of sponsored bills that got out of committee, talk-to-bills agreement, and the CSIP score’s place within the party group.
The builder ranks every measure within the same peer group the page compares it with, and writes each official’s percentile: the share of the group below the value, ties counting half, so 0.5 is the median and a value shared by many never ranks first. A measure’s score is how far that percentile sits from the median (0 in the middle, 0.5 at either end), and the highest score leads if it is above 0.25, outside the middle half of the group. Scores within 0.03 of each other are a tie, broken in this order: votes against the party majority, kinds of statement, ideology, roll calls missed, small donations, in-state money, legislation, agreement, extreme labels, receipts.
A measure counts only with at least 200 statements, 100 roll calls or 5 sponsored bills behind it and a peer group of at least 10. Two things never lead: high party unity or attendance, where most members sit, and a high rate of a kind of statement backed by fewer than 10 statements. When nothing qualifies, the headline is a neutral fact instead: statements classified, or years in office. The wording always names the direction (“in the bottom 5% of …”, “votes against the majority of …”).
What politicians sayOct 27, 20261 days agoMembers of Congress: tweets since 2017; press releases, newsletters and floor speeches since 2022. State legislators: tweets since May 2024. Governors: tweets since January 2025. Labels from an LLM classifier.
Roll calls (Congress)Sep 30, 202628 days agoVoteview roll calls, 113th Congress (2013) on.
Campaign money (FEC)Oct 22, 20266 days agoFEC committee financial summaries (totals, small donations) and itemized contributions (donor counts, states, employers), cycles 2020-2026; aggregates only.
Ideology (CSIP)Oct 25, 20263 days agoCommon-Space Ideal Points (CSIP), current validated run.
WebsitesOct 25, 20263 days agoWeekly crawls of federal sites since April 2026; monthly state crawls since June 2026.
ImagesOct 28, 2026todayImages in members' tweets with vision-model descriptions.
How the measures work
What politicians say
Every post, press release, newsletter and congressional floor speech is read by a language model and marked for personal attacks, policy criticism, policy discussion, bipartisanship and credit claiming. A statement can be in several. Rates are shares of statements in the window. The methods paper.
Extreme labels
A statement has an extreme label when it calls a politician, party or policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”. The target is who the label is aimed at.
Policy areas and agreement
Statements and bills share 25 Congressional Research Service policy areas (state bills are assigned by a language model). Agreement is 1 − Jensen–Shannon distance between the two distributions, shown with at least 20 policy statements and 5 bills.
Ideology (CSIP)
Common-Space Ideal Points place federal and state officials on one left–right scale, estimated jointly from roll calls, campaign contributions and the text of statements, with standard errors. Only a validated run is shown. The methods paper.
Campaign money
Campaigns report by name only donors who give more than $200 in a cycle; smaller gifts are reported as one total. Federal totals and the small-donor share come from the FEC’s financial summaries of each campaign committee. Donor counts, donor states, employers and occupations cover itemized donors only. State filings report no small-gift totals, so state figures are itemized only. The lab never publishes donor names.
Votes and key votes
Attendance, party unity and the count of votes against the majority of an official’s own party come from roll calls (Voteview for Congress, chamber records for the states). Key votes are final-passage or override votes that became law, were decided by under 10%, saw at least 10% of a party vote against its majority, or concerned one of the 25 bills most mentioned in officials’ statements.
Peers and ranks
Comparisons are with the same party, chamber and level (for example House Democrats); state legislators are compared within their state and chamber for votes. Every comparison names its group. Rank 1 is the highest value in the group; tied values share the average of their ranks, and the percentile is the share of the group below the value, ties counting half.
America’s Political Pulse · Polarization Research Lab