Federal level · Current term
Texas
Texas’s congressional delegation
- statements analyzed
- 59,482
- officials covered
- 39
- last updated
- Oct 28, 2026
What members of Congress say in public
Floor speeches, press releases, newsletters and posts on X
We collect these statements and label each one as a personal attack, a criticism of policy, credit claiming, an appeal to bipartisanship or plain policy talk. The rules are the same for every member, so the numbers compare across members, parties and states.
What each party owns
Democrats name Health more often than Republicans do; Republicans name Armed Forces, Immigration and Crime more often. Health is named in 23.2% of Democrats’ policy statements and 10.9% of Republicans’, a gap of 12.3 points; Armed Forces and National Security in 23.3% of Republicans’ and 14.8% of Democrats’, a gap of 8.5 points. On 6 of the 25 areas the two parties are within one point of each other.
Each bar is the share of Democrats’ policy statements that name an area minus the share of Republicans’ that do, in percentage points, among 39 members of Texas’s congressional delegation in the current term. Bars to the right are areas Democrats name more often; bars to the left, areas Republicans name more often. The AI model tags each policy statement with any of the Congressional Research Service’s 25 policy areas. The figures beside each bar are both parties’ shares.
Policy areas, Democrats minus Republicans
Share of policy statements naming each area, members of Congress, the current term, sorted by the gap
Show the data
| Policy area | Democrats | Republicans | Gap, D − R (points) |
|---|---|---|---|
| Health | 23.2% | 10.9% | +12.3 |
| Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues | 12.4% | 6.9% | +5.5 |
| Economics and Public Finance | 18.1% | 16.0% | +2.0 |
| Government Operations and Politics | 20.3% | 18.4% | +1.9 |
| Housing and Community Development | 4.3% | 2.4% | +1.9 |
| Foreign Trade and International Finance | 5.1% | 3.5% | +1.6 |
| Education | 7.5% | 5.9% | +1.5 |
| Agriculture and Food | 6.5% | 5.1% | +1.4 |
| Families | 3.4% | 2.1% | +1.3 |
| Emergency Management | 4.4% | 3.2% | +1.2 |
| Labor and Employment | 5.1% | 4.1% | +1.0 |
| Transportation and Public Works | 5.1% | 4.3% | +0.8 |
| Environmental Protection | 3.1% | 2.3% | +0.8 |
| Law | 5.2% | 4.4% | +0.7 |
| Public Lands and Natural Resources | 1.6% | 1.2% | +0.4 |
| Water Resources Development | 2.1% | 1.8% | +0.4 |
| Finance and Financial Sector | 2.6% | 2.6% | 0.0 |
| International Affairs | 8.8% | 10.6% | −1.8 |
| Taxation | 5.8% | 7.7% | −1.9 |
| Science, Technology, Communications | 4.4% | 7.1% | −2.7 |
| Energy | 4.2% | 7.4% | −3.2 |
| Commerce | 3.5% | 6.8% | −3.3 |
| Crime and Law Enforcement | 8.4% | 13.7% | −5.3 |
| Immigration | 16.1% | 21.6% | −5.5 |
| Armed Forces and National Security | 14.8% | 23.3% | −8.5 |
Notes
Armed Forces and National Security is the most-named area overall (20.7% of policy statements). Each side’s leading areas, labelled in its colour, are those at least one point apart and within half of that side’s widest gap, up to three.
Who stands out
The five highest rates on four kinds of statement among 39 members of Texas’s congressional delegation. An official needs at least 50 statements in the current term to be ranked.
An AI model labels every statement. An official’s rate is the share of their statements that carry a label.
Most personal attacks
Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
- 1Lloyd DoggettDU.S. House · TX-3723%
- 2Jasmine CrockettDU.S. House · TX-3020%
- 3Gregorio CasarDU.S. House · TX-3517%
- 4Marc VeaseyDU.S. House · TX-3314%
- 5Lance GoodenRU.S. House · TX-059.8%
Most credit claiming
Claims credit for passing legislation, securing funding or grants, or other accomplishments in office.
- 1Ronny JacksonRU.S. House · TX-1351%
- 2Craig GoldmanRU.S. House · TX-1250%
- 3Mónica De La CruzRU.S. House · TX-1548%
- 4Michael McCaulRU.S. House · TX-1048%
- 5Ted CruzRU.S. Senate · Texas47%
Most bipartisan language
Emphasises working across the aisle, compromise or common ground between the parties.
- 1Ted CruzRU.S. Senate · Texas15%
- 2Michael McCaulRU.S. House · TX-1014%
- 3Pete SessionsRU.S. House · TX-1713%
- 4Mónica De La CruzRU.S. House · TX-1511%
- 5Vicente GonzalezDU.S. House · TX-3410%
Most policy-focused
Discusses a specific public policy or policy area (health care, taxes, defense, …).
- 1Julie JohnsonDU.S. House · TX-3282%
- 2Lloyd DoggettDU.S. House · TX-3780%
- 3Craig GoldmanRU.S. House · TX-1279%
- 4Pat FallonRU.S. House · TX-0479%
- 5Joaquin CastroDU.S. House · TX-2078%
Each official’s rates are on their profile and in the bulk file.
Party comparison
Democrats attack opponents personally 3.0 times as often as Republicans (9.1% of statements against 3.1%). 5.0% of Republican and 2.1% of Democratic statements carry an extreme label, most often aimed at Democrats.
Each bar is the share of a party’s statements that carry a label, pooled across 39 members of Texas’s congressional delegation in the current term. Officials who post more count more. A statement can carry several labels, so a party’s shares can sum to more than 100%.
Statements by label and party
Share of each party’s statements, the current term
- Personal attacks
- Policy criticism
- Policy discussion
- Bipartisanship
- Credit claiming
- Extreme labels
Show the data
| Measure | Democrats | Republicans |
|---|---|---|
| Personal attacks | 9.1% | 3.1% |
| Policy criticism | 28% | 18% |
| Policy discussion | 71% | 66% |
| Bipartisanship | 6.2% | 6.0% |
| Credit claiming | 19% | 33% |
| Extreme labels | 2.1% | 5.0% |
The measures
Personal attacks. Overtly questions a named person’s character, integrity or loyalty, or calls them names. Criticising a record or a policy does not count.
Policy criticism. Objects to a specific policy, law or court ruling with fact-based arguments, without personal attacks or emotional appeals.
Policy discussion. Discusses a specific public policy or policy area (health care, taxes, defense, …).
Bipartisanship. Emphasises working across the aisle, compromise or common ground between the parties.
Credit claiming. Claims credit for passing legislation, securing funding or grants, or other accomplishments in office.
Extreme labels. Calls a politician, a party or a policy “far left”, “far right”, “MAGA”, “extreme”, “radical”, “woke”, “fascist” or “communist”.
Personal attacks by venue
Share of statements by 39 members of Texas’s congressional delegation, the current term
Both parties’ personal-attack rates change with the venue. Democrats run from 8.4% of their posts on X to 15.0% of their floor speeches; Republicans from 2.2% of their press releases to 6.5% of their newsletters.
Show the data
| Venue | Democrats: personal attacks | Democrats: statements | Republicans: personal attacks | Republicans: statements |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Posts on X | 8.4% | 14657 | 2.9% | 35151 |
| Press releases | 12.0% | 1470 | 2.2% | 2920 |
| Newsletters | 13.0% | 793 | 6.5% | 1594 |
| Floor speeches | 15.0% | 595 | 3.6% | 2302 |
Notes
Each point is the share of a party’s statements in one venue that the AI model labelled a personal attack, pooled across members. A line joins each party’s four venues. A statement counts once and carries the label if any of its passages does.
Posts on X are 84% of the 59,482 statements here, so the pooled rates elsewhere on this page sit closest to the X points.
A party needs 50 statements in a venue before its point is drawn.
Polarization
The median Democrat scores −0.92 and the median Republican +1.21 on the CSIP scale, a gap of 2.12. The gap widened from 1.85 in the 113th Congress to 2.10 in the 119th Congress.
CSIP, the lab’s Common-Space Ideal Point, places every official on one left–right scale estimated from roll-call votes, campaign contributions and the text of their statements. Negative scores are to the left and positive scores to the right. The gap is the distance between the two parties’ medians.
CSIP scores by party
← More liberal · 0 · More conservative →
Show the data
| Group | Officials | Median |
|---|---|---|
| Democrats | 13 | −0.9 |
| Republicans | 26 | +1.2 |
Medians: Democrats −0.92, Republicans +1.21. Gap: 2.12.
Gap between the party medians
Members of each Congress
Show the data
| Item | Value |
|---|---|
| 113th Congress (2013–14) | 1.85 |
| 114th Congress (2015–16) | 1.90 |
| 115th Congress (2017–18) | 1.90 |
| 116th Congress (2019–20) | 2.01 |
| 117th Congress (2021–22) | 2.02 |
| 118th Congress (2023–24) | 2.03 |
| 119th Congress (2025–26) | 2.10 |
Notes
Each dot is one official, blue left of 0 and red right of 0, darker further from 0. Overlapping dots form darker patches where officials cluster. The rule in each row marks the party median.
Each official has a single score for 2014–2026, so the gap changes over time only as the membership of Congress turns over.
Each official’s score is on their profile, and the full table is in Downloads.
Trends in what politicians say
Policy discussion by Democrats moved most, from 66% of statements in Jan–Mar ’25 to 81% in Jul–Sep ’26.
Each strip is one label, with a row per party and a cell per month. Cells are shaded against the row’s own peak, and the peak and latest values are printed at the right. The sentence above each strip compares the first three complete months of the window with the last three. Party-months with fewer than 10 statements are hatched and excluded.
Monthly rates by party
Members of Congress, the current term · each row shaded against its own peak
Personal attacks
From Jan–Mar ’25 to Jul–Sep ’26, Democrats fell from 13% to 6.8%; Republicans fell from 4.2% to 2.1%.
Show the data
| Column | Democrats | Republicans |
|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 10.4% | 4.3% |
| Feb ’25 | 14.2% | 3.9% |
| Mar ’25 | 14.8% | 4.4% |
| Apr ’25 | 10.9% | 2.6% |
| May ’25 | 10.8% | 3.7% |
| Jun ’25 | 8.3% | 3.9% |
| Jul ’25 | 10.4% | 3.8% |
| Aug ’25 | 7.7% | 2.8% |
| Sep ’25 | 6.6% | 3.1% |
| Oct ’25 | 5.9% | 3.9% |
| Nov ’25 | 9.0% | 2.4% |
| Dec ’25 | 9.7% | 2.4% |
| Jan ’26 | 11.5% | 3.8% |
| Feb ’26 | 9.7% | 1.5% |
| Mar ’26 | 7.8% | 2.5% |
| Apr ’26 | 9.8% | 2.5% |
| May ’26 | 7.8% | 2.3% |
| Jun ’26 | 5.6% | 1.9% |
| Jul ’26 | 7.4% | 2.9% |
| Aug ’26 | 7.4% | 1.9% |
| Sep ’26 | 5.6% | 1.6% |
| Oct ’26 | 5.0% | 1.5% |
Extreme labels
From Jan–Mar ’25 to Jul–Sep ’26, Democrats fell from 3.0% to 1.2%; Republicans fell from 5.9% to 2.3%.
Show the data
| Column | Democrats | Republicans |
|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 3.3% | 5.3% |
| Feb ’25 | 2.8% | 6.4% |
| Mar ’25 | 2.8% | 6.2% |
| Apr ’25 | 2.0% | 4.0% |
| May ’25 | 2.1% | 3.9% |
| Jun ’25 | 3.3% | 5.3% |
| Jul ’25 | 1.0% | 4.3% |
| Aug ’25 | 3.6% | 4.7% |
| Sep ’25 | 2.5% | 9.5% |
| Oct ’25 | 1.5% | 10.1% |
| Nov ’25 | 1.3% | 8.5% |
| Dec ’25 | 2.0% | 2.9% |
| Jan ’26 | 0.7% | 2.5% |
| Feb ’26 | 3.0% | 4.6% |
| Mar ’26 | 2.1% | 5.7% |
| Apr ’26 | 1.4% | 2.2% |
| May ’26 | 2.7% | 4.2% |
| Jun ’26 | 2.1% | 6.1% |
| Jul ’26 | 1.4% | 4.1% |
| Aug ’26 | 1.2% | 1.2% |
| Sep ’26 | 0.9% | 1.5% |
| Oct ’26 | 1.9% | 2.1% |
Bipartisanship
From Jan–Mar ’25 to Jul–Sep ’26, Democrats fell from 8.2% to 5.0%; Republicans fell from 6.6% to 5.8%.
Show the data
| Column | Democrats | Republicans |
|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 9.1% | 6.4% |
| Feb ’25 | 8.3% | 6.3% |
| Mar ’25 | 7.2% | 7.2% |
| Apr ’25 | 5.1% | 6.5% |
| May ’25 | 4.0% | 5.7% |
| Jun ’25 | 6.5% | 4.9% |
| Jul ’25 | 4.4% | 4.8% |
| Aug ’25 | 4.3% | 4.7% |
| Sep ’25 | 10.8% | 6.7% |
| Oct ’25 | 7.6% | 5.0% |
| Nov ’25 | 7.1% | 6.7% |
| Dec ’25 | 6.9% | 8.3% |
| Jan ’26 | 5.5% | 4.2% |
| Feb ’26 | 4.9% | 5.9% |
| Mar ’26 | 5.9% | 6.3% |
| Apr ’26 | 5.6% | 6.3% |
| May ’26 | 5.3% | 6.8% |
| Jun ’26 | 8.6% | 7.8% |
| Jul ’26 | 6.3% | 5.5% |
| Aug ’26 | 3.9% | 4.7% |
| Sep ’26 | 4.9% | 7.1% |
| Oct ’26 | 2.1% | 3.0% |
Policy discussion
From Jan–Mar ’25 to Jul–Sep ’26, Democrats rose from 66% to 81%; Republicans rose from 66% to 75%.
Show the data
| Column | Democrats | Republicans |
|---|---|---|
| Jan ’25 | 64.1% | 65.4% |
| Feb ’25 | 67.6% | 70.3% |
| Mar ’25 | 67.0% | 63.6% |
| Apr ’25 | 67.2% | 67.2% |
| May ’25 | 65.6% | 67.4% |
| Jun ’25 | 70.2% | 67.2% |
| Jul ’25 | 73.2% | 62.9% |
| Aug ’25 | 65.4% | 63.4% |
| Sep ’25 | 68.3% | 58.2% |
| Oct ’25 | 70.5% | 65.1% |
| Nov ’25 | 61.7% | 62.1% |
| Dec ’25 | 66.4% | 72.8% |
| Jan ’26 | 83.4% | 78.1% |
| Feb ’26 | 66.1% | 57.8% |
| Mar ’26 | 67.8% | 59.8% |
| Apr ’26 | 76.8% | 70.0% |
| May ’26 | 73.6% | 64.2% |
| Jun ’26 | 73.8% | 58.2% |
| Jul ’26 | 76.2% | 69.3% |
| Aug ’26 | 84.4% | 80.9% |
| Sep ’26 | 81.6% | 75.4% |
| Oct ’26 | 83.1% | 78.2% |
Notes
Oct ’26 is incomplete (data through Oct 28, 2026). It is drawn but excluded from every comparison.
No party-month here has fewer than ten statements.
Personal attacks by month
Members of Congress, Jan 2025 to Oct 2026 · Oct ’26 incomplete
Democrats’ personal attacks peaked in Mar 2025, at 14.8% of statements; Republicans’ in Mar 2025, at 4.4% of statements. In Sep 2026, the last complete month, the rates were 5.6% for Democrats and 1.6% for Republicans.
Show the data
| Date | Democrats | Republicans |
|---|---|---|
| Oct 2026 | 5.0% | 1.5% |
| Sep 2026 | 5.6% | 1.6% |
| Aug 2026 | 7.4% | 1.9% |
| Jul 2026 | 7.4% | 2.9% |
| Jun 2026 | 5.6% | 1.9% |
| May 2026 | 7.8% | 2.3% |
| Apr 2026 | 9.8% | 2.5% |
| Mar 2026 | 7.8% | 2.5% |
| Feb 2026 | 9.7% | 1.5% |
| Jan 2026 | 11.5% | 3.8% |
| Dec 2025 | 9.7% | 2.4% |
| Nov 2025 | 9.0% | 2.4% |
| Oct 2025 | 5.9% | 3.9% |
| Sep 2025 | 6.6% | 3.1% |
| Aug 2025 | 7.7% | 2.8% |
| Jul 2025 | 10.4% | 3.8% |
| Jun 2025 | 8.3% | 3.9% |
| May 2025 | 10.8% | 3.7% |
| Apr 2025 | 10.9% | 2.6% |
| Mar 2025 | 14.8% | 4.4% |
| Feb 2025 | 14.2% | 3.9% |
| Jan 2025 | 10.4% | 4.3% |
- 1Jan 20, 2025 Inauguration · calendar
- 2Apr 13, 2025 Arson at the Pennsylvania governor’s residence · lab violence record
- 3Jun 14, 2025 Two Minnesota legislators and their spouses shot at their homes · lab violence record
- 4Sep 10, 2025 Charlie Kirk shot in Orem, Utah · lab violence record
Notes
Each line is the monthly share of a party’s statements that the AI model labelled a personal attack, pooled across officials. The numbered rules mark acts of political violence from the lab’s record and fixed dates on the political calendar. They date events and make no claim about cause.
Party-months with fewer than 10 statements are omitted and break the line. Oct ’26 is incomplete; it is drawn but never counted as a peak.
Policy topics
Armed Forces and National Security led in Sep ’26, named in 20% of policy statements. Economics and Public Finance rose most from Aug ’26 (+3.7 pts); Immigration fell most (−2.3 pts).
The AI model tags each policy statement with any of 25 policy areas, so shares can sum to more than 100%. A share is the percentage of a month’s policy statements by members of Congress that name the area. The lists compare the last two complete months, with changes in percentage points. A month needs at least ten policy statements to be compared.
Most discussed, Sep ’26
1,710 policy statements; change since Aug ’26 in grey
- Armed Forces and National Security20% −0.6 pts
- Government Operations and Politics19% +1.3 pts
- Immigration18% −2.3 pts
- Economics and Public Finance14% +3.7 pts
- Crime and Law Enforcement13% −1.5 pts
Rising
Up most since Aug ’26
- Economics and Public Finance+3.7 pts
- Science, Technology, Communications+3.0 pts
- Health+1.3 pts
Falling
Down most since Aug ’26
- Immigration−2.3 pts
- Crime and Law Enforcement−1.5 pts
- Civil Rights and Liberties, Minority Issues−1.5 pts
States
The state maps are on the United States dashboard.
The left map is the share of statements by each state’s congressional delegation that the AI model labelled a personal attack, the current term (members of Congress, by the state they represent). The right map is the lab’s survey estimate of affective polarization in each state: residents’ rating of their own party minus their rating of the other, on a 0–100 thermometer. Each state is a square of the same size, shaded by quintile; darker is higher.
The two maps are on the United States dashboard.
Challengers and incumbents
Challengers post personal attacks more often than the incumbents they face. On posts on X since Oct 1, 2025, the median challenger’s rate is 5.8% and the median incumbent’s 0.5%; 13 of 19 challengers post personal attacks more often than the incumbent they face and 5 less often, across 15 House and Senate races with both sides measured. The widest Senate gap is in Texas, 14.2 points.
Every 2026 House and Senate race with an incumbent running and at least one challenger. A candidate’s rate is the share of their posts on X that the AI model labelled a personal attack. Both sides are measured over the same months, since Oct 1, 2025, and incumbents’ press releases, newsletters and floor speeches are excluded. Candidates with fewer than 10 posts are left out.
Incumbents and challengers
Personal attacks, share of posts on X · 15 incumbents, 19 challengers · rates above 20% are drawn at the edge
Show the data
| Race | Candidate | Party | Status | Posts on X | Personal attacks |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Texas 15th District | Monica De La Cruz | Republicans | Incumbent | 478 | 0.0% |
| Texas 15th District | Bobby Pulido | Democrats | Challenger | 271 | 0.4% |
| Texas 17th District | Pete Sessions | Republicans | Incumbent | 206 | 0.0% |
| Texas 17th District | Jamilah Flores | Democrats | Challenger | 19 | 5.3% |
| Texas 2nd District | Daniel Crenshaw | Republicans | Incumbent | 325 | 8.9% |
| Texas 2nd District | Steve Toth | Republicans | Challenger | 281 | 8.2% |
| Texas 2nd District | Shaun Finnie | Democrats | Challenger | 275 | 0.7% |
| Texas 20th District | Joaquin Castro | Democrats | Incumbent | 461 | 7.6% |
| Texas 20th District | Edgardo Baez | Republicans | Challenger | 1127 | 5.1% |
| Texas 23rd District | Ernest Gonzales II | Republicans | Incumbent | 314 | 0.0% |
| Texas 23rd District | Brandon Herrera | Republicans | Challenger | 1088 | 12.7% |
| Texas 23rd District | Katy Stout | Democrats | Challenger | 78 | 9.0% |
| Texas 24th District | Elizabeth Van Duyne | Republicans | Incumbent | 1534 | 0.5% |
| Texas 24th District | Timothy Ware II | Democrats | Challenger | 52 | 5.8% |
| Texas 24th District | Kevin Burge | Democrats | Challenger | 122 | 5.7% |
| Texas 25th District | Roger Williams | Republicans | Incumbent | 741 | 0.1% |
| Texas 25th District | Dione Sims | Democrats | Challenger | 72 | 0.0% |
| Texas 28th District | Henry Cuellar | Democrats | Incumbent | 1257 | 0.2% |
| Texas 28th District | Tano Tijerina | Republicans | Challenger | 106 | 10.4% |
| Texas 3rd District | Keith Self | Republicans | Incumbent | 1689 | 1.1% |
| Texas 3rd District | Evan Hunt | Democrats | Challenger | 405 | 11.4% |
| Texas 31st District | John Carter | Republicans | Incumbent | 63 | 0.0% |
| Texas 31st District | Justin Early | Democrats | Challenger | 31 | 0.0% |
| Texas 34th District | Vicente Gonzalez | Democrats | Incumbent | 603 | 0.7% |
| Texas 34th District | Eric Flores | Republicans | Challenger | 383 | 3.4% |
| Texas 5th District | Lance Gooden | Republicans | Incumbent | 1192 | 8.8% |
| Texas 5th District | Ruth Torres | Democrats | Challenger | 163 | 14.7% |
| Texas 6th District | John Ellzey Sr. | Republicans | Incumbent | 64 | 0.0% |
| Texas 6th District | Danny Minton | Democrats | Challenger | 414 | 50.7% |
| Texas 7th District | Elizabeth Fletcher | Democrats | Incumbent | 755 | 1.3% |
| Texas 7th District | Alexander Hale | Republicans | Challenger | 124 | 0.8% |
| Texas Senate | John Cornyn | Republicans | Incumbent | 2258 | 3.0% |
| Texas Senate | James Talarico | Democrats | Challenger | 140 | 17.1% |
| Texas Senate | Warren Paxton Jr. | Republicans | Challenger | 1025 | 10.2% |
Both are measured on posts on X since Oct 1, 2025.
The Senate races, widest gap first
Each incumbent (outlined) and the challenger whose rate differs most, personal attacks as a share of posts on X
John Cornyn (R), 2,258 posts · James Talarico (D), 140 posts
Show the data
| Race | Incumbent | Rate | Posts | Challenger | Rate | Posts | Gap (points) |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Texas Senate | John Cornyn (Republican) | 3.0% | 2258 | James Talarico (Democrat) | 17.1% | 140 | +14.2 |